‘Zimbabwe’s succession race is far from over’

The Zimbabwe Mail

8th November 2017

On Monday, President Robert Mugabe fired his vice-president Emmerson Mnangagwa, sending shock waves through Zimbabwe’s political establishment. “I think that this is one of the most significant political events since independence,” said David Coltart, a prominent opposition leader and former education minister.

Of course, over nearly four decades in power, Mugabe has seen off more than his fair share of potential rivals. But Mnangagwa was supposed to be different. For a start, Mugabe and Mnangagwa shared a long personal history of working together, dating all the way back to 1977, during the liberation struggle, when Mnangagwa was drafted in by Mugabe as his assistant in Mozambique.

But far more significant than that were Mnangagwa’s alleged links to Zimbabwe’s influential security establishment, including the military, the police and the ruling party’s military veterans association. According to conventional wisdom, this made Mnangagwa simply too powerful to be fired.

Once again, however, Mugabe proved himself immune to conventional wisdom.

“Mnangagwa more than anyone else has been Mugabe’s right-hand man. He has been Mugabe’s go-to person on a range of issues, from Gukurahundi to the response to the 2008 election to the organisation of the 2013 election. At the very least, Mugabe has broken with the person who has got all that intelligence about how they have done things. And that situation is compounded by the fact that Mnangagwa clearly has the support of a significant segment of war veterans who have done most of the campaigning for Mugabe in the past… I see this as a desperate move by Mugabe with high potential political cost,” said Coltart.

In the short term, Mnangagwa’s fall looks likely to pave the way for even greater political prominence for the president’s wife, Grace Mugabe, who leads the Generation 40 (G40) faction within the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (Zanu-PF). The G40, which includes heavyweights such as Education Minister Jonathan Moyo and State Security Minister Sydney Sekeramayi, has now all but vanquished the rival Lacoste faction headed by Mnangagwa.

This does not mean, however, that the long-running and increasingly bitter race to succeed Mugabe is over. Far from it.

“I think that the Zimbabwean succession race has been unpredictable. It’s easy for us to look with the benefit of hindsight and say it all falls into place, but the reality is when (former vice-president) Joice Mujuru was at the top, we all thought she was destined for the presidency. When Emmerson Mnangagwa took over many of us thought he was the one. Now we have Grace, I don’t think we should fall into the same trap as thinking it is all locked up,” said Alex Magaisa, a political analyst.

“I do think she is in a stronger position than she was before… but there’s no reason to believe that G40 is a homogenous entity. There will be people within G40 who have their own big ambitions and have found Grace useful to this point.” In other words, Grace may not be useful for much longer for any other pretenders to the throne.

Ibbo Mandaza, director of the Harare-based Southern African Political Economy Series Trust think tank, is not even sure that Grace really wants the top job.

“I don’t think it will be Grace. I think the media are misreading. If Grace wanted to be president, she would not have said to Mugabe at the Chinhoyi rally (in late July}, and I quote: ‘Tell us which horse to back’ – ie, choose the successor to be, and we will run with it. She wasn’t saying put me there. She was saying identify a successor and we, including myself as first lady, will back that person to the hilt,” said Mandaza.

Although Mandaza can’t be certain who else among the Zanu-PF leadership may end up succeeding Mugabe, he is clear on one thing: the presidency is likely to remain in the party following the presidential election scheduled for next year.

“I think given what I’ve described (previously) as an obliging and complicit opposition in the form of the (Movement for Democratic Change – Tsvangirai) MDC-T in particular and all the others represented in Parliament, Zanu-PF is hardly threatened. Clearly they appear more prepared for elections than the opposition. Zanu-PF appear to be in control, if not total control, of the electoral process, so much so that for me elections are a mere formality,” he said.

Derek Matyszak, a Zimbabwe expert with the Institute for Security Studies, agrees. “There is a big difference between the preparations by the ruling Zanu-PF party for the polls and those of the myriad opposition parties. While Zanu-PF has already been campaigning – suggesting that it will use its parliamentary majority to call elections early – and distributing patronage to secure votes, the opposition parties, including the MDC-T led by Morgan Tsvangirai, are still fumbling in their attempts to form a united front against Mugabe. They are beset with leadership problems and are totally unprepared.”

As the dust settles following Mnangagwa’s enforced departure, attention turns now to the extraordinary Zanu-PF party conference scheduled for 12-17 December. The appointments made here, including a new vice-president, should provide a clearer picture of Zanu-PF’s internal dynamics – and therefore a window into the future of Zimbabwe as a whole.

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Mugabe’s axing of his deputy might be the first gusts of the ‘perfect storm’

The Daily Maverick

By PETER FABRICIUS

7th November 2017

Zimbabweans and the region are holding their breath to see if Emmerson Mnangagwa’s powerful supporters in the military will accept what is widely regarded as Robert Mugabe’s rash decision to fire his erstwhile trusted henchman.

Shades of Salome. On Monday President Robert Mugabe indulged his wayward wife Grace by presenting her with vice-president Emmerson Mnangagwa’s head on a platter.

Now Zimbabweans and the region are holding their breath to see if Mnangagwa’s powerful supporters in the military will accept what is widely regarded as Mugabe’s rash decision to fire his erstwhile trusted henchman.

Rumours are swirling in the country and on social media that the military chiefs are planning a coup and that Mnangagwa has fled the country, fearing arrest.

Opposition senator David Coltart said he was worried Mugabe’s axing of his deputy might be the first gusts of the “perfect storm” he has been forecasting for his country for some time.

The South African government said on Tuesday it was not expecting a coup but it was nevertheless watching its troubled northern neighbour closely for any signs of instability. Official sources in Pretoria said they thought it more likely that Mnangagwa would leave the ruling ZanuPF to form a new political party, rather than taking the military route.

Coltart said it was clear that Mugabe, 93, had fired Mnangagwa at the behest of Grace after the vice-president’s supporters booed her loudly at a Zanu PF youth wing rally in Bulawayo. She openly blamed Mnangagwa for the humiliation and demanded he be fired. Two days later her husband obliged. Grace Mugabe and Mnangagwa head opposing factions within the ruling ZanuPF party that have been becoming increasingly embroiled in a bitter fight to succeed Mugabe.

Coltart said from Bulawayo on Tuesday he had been unable to confirm the rumours that Mnangagwa had caught a private aircraft out of Buffalo Range Airfield at Chiredzi in south-eastern Zimbabwe. And clearly much of the reporting on social media about the generals refusing to accept the decision, are speculation or deliberate fake news and disinformation.

But Coltart did not completely rule out the possibility of a big section of the military top brass refusing to accept Mnangagwa’s firing – though he thought it unlikely. He said the head of the Zimbabwe Defence Force General Constantine Chiwenga had clearly revealed his support for Mnangagwa in the past and that most of the rest of the military top brass also supported him. The Zimbabwe National Liberation War Veterans’ Association was also clearly behind Mnangagwa, he said. Both these powerful factions would have been “appalled” at the axing of the vice president.

Coltart said Mugabe’s move against Mnangagwa had been building up for some time as the rivalry between him and the First Lady grew more bitter. The spark had been the booing of Grace Mugabe the Bulawayo rally.

He said he had been warning for some time against a “perfect storm” brewing in Zimbabwe because of an unprecedented convergence of several factors, including the ailing Mugabe’s inability to hold together the fragmenting ZanuPF, the economic collapse of the country and the fact that the region was distracted by its own internal issues. The ANC, in particular, was entirely preoccupied with its vital party leadership conference in December. Western governments were also distracted by internal issues.

Coltart said he was sure the politically astute Mugabe would not have axed Mnangagwe without his wife’s insistence. The move had demonstrated her power over him.

It was an unwise move politically, not only because of the strong support Mnangagwa had in the military but also his political support in ZanuPF and his ability and readiness to do Mugabe’s political dirty work. “He was Mugabe’s point man in Gukurahundi,” he said, referring to the slaughter of thousands of residents of the province of Matabeleland in the early 1980s which destroyed Zanu’s rival party, Zapu, largely representing the second tribe, the Ndebele.

Coltart said Mnangagwa had also saved Mugabe in the 2008 elections when Mugabe lost the first round of the presidential poll against Morgan Tsvangirai, whose Movement for Democratic Change also beat ZanuPF in the parliamentary election.

Mnangagwa then mobilised the ZanuPF thugs who battered Tsvangirai’s supporters into submission in the second round and forced him to withdraw from the race.

Coltart said that although he could not rule out the military intervening on behalf of Mnangagwa now, he thought it unlikely they would, as that would turn the region against them.

“And certainly we need the military to stay in their barracks. A coup would be disastrous for the country.”

The South African government believes that Grace Mugabe’s strategy is to replace Mnangagwa as first vice-president to serve defence minister Sydney Sekeramayi who is being groomed to succeed Mugabe as president.

South African officials were struck by the amount of praise which Mugabe heaped on Sekeramayi when the two governments met for the Bi-National Commission between them in Pretoria last month.

But Coltart said after seeing just how much power Grace Mugabe has over her husband, he was now wondering if her next move would be to persuade him to put her in the top job directly.

Coltart added he was sure that Western powers would be disappointed at the axing of Mnangagwa. Britain and other countries were widely believed to have been backing him as the best ZanuPF leader to succeed Mugabe, as he was considered the most business friendly.

His ally Patrick Chinamasa had been trying hard, as finance minister, to normalise Zimbabwe’s shattered economy and to negotiate the resumption of badly-needed credit from international financial institutions like the IMF, before Mugabe shunted him out of the key portfolio last month.

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Zimbabwe Cricket board praised by ex-minister

Sunday News

By Mehluli Sibanda, Senior Sports Reporter

29th October 2017

FORMER Minister of Education, Sports, Arts and Culture, David Coltart has praised the Tavengwa Mukuhlani led Zimbabwe Cricket board for doing a superb job of turning around the fortunes of the sport in the country.

Coltart, a personal friend of former ZC chairman, Wilson Manase said he was sceptical of Mukuhlani when the Bulawayo-based pharmacist was elected in August 2015 but he has been proven wrong so far. Coltart was speaking during a dinner organised for the national cricket team at the Old Mutual Heath Streak Academy last Thursday.

“We need to pay tribute this evening to the new chairman of the board of Zimbabwe Cricket, who has done a magnificent job which I have to confess when he first took over I was sceptical of him and I am pleased, I am delighted to have been proved wrong. He has made, with his colleagues on the board, the right decisions and we are now seeing the fruit of that before our very own eyes,’’ Coltart said.

One of the things Coltart feels the ZC did right was to appoint former national team captain, Tatenda Taibu as the convener of the selection panel.

During his last few days in office as minister, Coltart fought hard without success to ensure that the national selection panel was led by someone with Test cricket experience. Coltart said he has belief in Taibu, that he will be fair and he has the ability to identify talented players.

“I argued that we needed someone with international cricket experience as convener of selectors, the one thing I knew is that it took an understanding of Test cricket to identify people who didn’t just have the technical ability but the mental strength and you needed someone who had been there before so I am delighted that the chairman and the board appointed Tatenda and I think he has done a magnificent job in selecting based on merit, we are seeing it on the field,’’ Coltart said.

Turning to the players, Coltart said he has always had belief in their talent and all they needed was an administrative structure and a sense of permanence, sense of order and that of fairness to achieve their full potential.

“We are so delighted as a nation to see the improvements just in the last few months, my heart was swelling with pride when I saw you guys in Sri Lanka, it’s just fantastic,’’ Coltart said.

He went on to give his thoughts on how the coach Heath Streak and his players should approach the second Test against West Indies which gets underway at Queens Sports Club this morning.

“From my very inexperienced perspective, can I just give a few tips to the coach and the players for the game that’s coming up. When there are any opposition players anywhere certainly before you get to 50, please I don’t want to see any air between the ball and ground after its left the bat for quite a considerably period,’’ he said.

Former captain, Brendan Taylor was run out for 73 in the second innings of the first Test and Coltart said while the cricketer might have his first name beginning with the same letter as that of the world’s fastest man, Usain Bolt, he was not the quickest when it comes to running in between the wickets.

“Please just be a bit conservative with those reverse sweeps as well, we delight in them when they come off but when they don’t come off. To BT in particular, your first name shares the same letter as the fastest man on the planet, Usain Bolt but unfortunately this despite your incredible talent you are not as fast as him wicket to wicket,’’ he said, amid laughter from the crowd.

Old Mutual Heath Streak Academy chief executive officer and executive director, Joseph Rego said the event was meant to celebrate the recent spate of victories as well as good performances of the Zimbabwe national cricket team and to wish them well in the forthcoming International Cricket Council World Cup Qualifier to be held in the country in March next year.

“Congratulations Tavengwa Mukuhlani, chairman and Faisal Hasnain, managing director of Zimbabwe Cricket for sparing no efforts in obtaining the rights from ICC to host such a prestigious event in Zimbabwe,’’ Rego said.

Streak, his players, ZC board member Vumindaba Moyo as well as staff attended the ceremony.

Meanwhile, Mukuhlani yesterday briefed the ZC board on the ICC meetings outcomes which had some positives conclusions for Zimbabwe. The ZC board meeting took place at Queens Sports Club. The ICC board gatherings, held in New Zealand saw Zimbabwe being awarded the rights to host next year’s World Cup Qualifier. On top of that, the country will also host an ICC board meeting to be staged in Victoria Falls in April next year.

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Robert Mugabe’s twilight years – an interview on ABC radio

ABC

25th October 2017

Interview by Phillip Adams

Pundits have been predicting Robert Mugabe’s death for years. At 93 Zimbabwe’s leader shows no signs of dying or leaving office, but meanwhile the battle over who will replace him pits his wife, Grace Mugabe, against his deputy, Emmerson Mnangagwa, the man they call ‘The Crocodile’. Neither choice will be welcome to Zimbabwe’s beleaguered voters.

The following is the link to an interview conducted by ABC’s Phillip Adams with David Coltart on the 25th October 2017.

http://www.abc.net.au/radionational/programs/latenightlive/robert-mugabes-twilight-years/9085434

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Zimbabwe’s Education Minister Dokora on new curriculum

Newsday

Monday 16th October 2017

BY VANESSA GONYE

PRIMARY and Secondary Education minister Lazarus Dokora has courted controversy since 2013 when he took over from David Coltart, introducing a raft of changes within a short space of time much to the chagrin of parents and pupils, who felt he was on a mission to take the country’s once-revered education system down the drain.

Besides launching a new curriculum, Dokora introduced the National Pledge and many other policy changes, with a view to make the education system remain relevant to fast-changing international trends.

NewsDay reporter, Vanessa Gonye (ND) recently spoke to Dokora (LD), to get an understanding of the ministry’s position, as well as progress regarding the new curriculum and many other policy changes that he has introduced.

ND: Your ministry this year introduced a new curriculum. With this new system of education are several reforms and a cause for concern is that this year Grade 7 students had an agriculture paper in their exams. Can we say they had ample time to learn the basics?

LD: Agriculture has never been a new area in the primary level curriculum. We just took it out of general paper, as a proper salience to agricultural sciences. General Paper, if you must know, encompassed many fields including agriculture.

ND: With every transition comes a great need for resources; are these adequate to register a huge and positive success in a short period?

LD: The new curriculum is based on a framework with five pillars namely professional standards, infrastructure, teachers’ capacity development, establishment of an institute for research, as well as legal and regulatory reforms. I will explain the pillars in detail.

We have been able to secure some support for the infrastructure and we are already in the process of constructing 17 schools.

These schools are modern and they correspond to the new designs. Also, bilateral arrangements between the school and parent communities, as well as triple Ps (public, private partnerships) with government sectors, as well as private entities are in place as we are determined to ensure that adequate resources to keep the curriculum going are in place.

Teacher capacity development targeting 3 000 teachers is ongoing with 400 graduating last year, others completing this year. The teacher capacity programme was launched in July of 2014 by his Excellency, President Robert Mugabe.

Establishment of an institute for research meant to enable further enhancement of skills to teachers. A number of universities will be approached in line with this pillar as we already have the seed funding to establish the institution.

ND: Can we then say the curriculum is meant to separate or enhance talent?

LD: Please get me right, a person who is astute in the use of their hands is not disengaging in intellect, so the new curriculum embraces everyone and not in the mode of saying that those oriented in the hands skills must not be regarded as intellectual and academic, not at all. But one and the same person is stimulated to be innovative because they are handling the medium as they learn so for us we cannot make such a distinction.

If persons were sent to school and they ideally learnt theoretical knowledge forms, those theoretical knowledge forms cannot bring bread to the table. This is where we are coming from, where thousands say I have 7 A’s at O level, and none of them speaks to technical skills that they can utilise.

That then tells you that the commission of inquiry into education and training long sounded the warning bell that our system was too academic and in need of review and fine tuning to make sure that it constitutes a form of empowerment.

ND: Are you working with other ministries and departments so that students are assured of work placements soon after school?

LD: Remember we are the basic education ministry; any of our graduates on the new platform should be good news to higher and tertiary, youth ministry, women affairs ministry, in any sector actually because they will not only appreciate the environment that they will be completely at home where discipline and work ethics are concerned and they are skilful at something as well as being willing learners.

The habit of willingness to work is what we have lost in some very key sectors of our economy. People want shortcuts to wealth where they earn where they have not worked.

I would not like to go into another zone where they are encouraged by some fortuitous intervention that it will happen, without their lifting a finger. Suddenly your field is filled with crops, and you have not worked, I would not eat those crops, I would run away because tinofanira kudya zveziya.

In 2015 we had people who claimed to be in some of those churches who said that there were anointed pens and when I said we should denounce that there were others who said no, but it’s true that if you want to pass Zimsec examinations or any other examinations you must study and go through the algorithm.

To believe that a pen sold to you at an exorbitant $10 is somehow anointed and that you will somehow use it and pass certainly is not in the spirit of a scientific outlook to life.

ND: How far are you in terms of implementing the new curriculum?

LD: As you know, it is already in effect and we are making steady progress.

ND: There are students who may have the capacity and are able to exceed the said 10 subject limit at Ordinary Level, how will they be considered?

LD: They can go as far as they want, but if you follow the new curriculum in its true depth and breath, we don’t know how many would want to get to the numbers they were getting to in the past. In the past, there were no tasks to undertake, it was just theoretical, Some kids can be smart and memorise things. In the past we had a kid with 17 disciplines, is that still learning or its regurgitation?

ND: It has been noted that the authors of new curriculum books on indigenous languages are mainly white foreigners, is it a shortage of indigenous/local writers?

LD: That decision does not rest with the ministry but on the publishers so I wouldn’t know the criteria they use in selecting authors. The ministry’s role is assessing teaching learning materials while the publisher is responsible for the authors.

ND: Are private schools also abiding by the new curriculum?

LD: There is only one national curriculum for the Republic of Zimbabwe. Have you ever heard of other republics within a republic? (Laughs).

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Biti’s PDP dismisses cabinet reshuffle

The Zimbabwean

10th October 2017

The People’s Democratic Party led by former finance minister Tendai Biti has dismissed President Robert Mugabe’s cabinet reshuffle, saying the nonagenarian seems to be “running around a roundabout that will take him to nowhere.”

Mugabe on Monday announced a sudden reshuffle where he dropped three ministers and re-assigned 10 others as he clipped under-fire Vice-President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s wings. The portfolio previously occupied by the embattled VP, accused by Mugabe’s wife of being impatient to take over power from her husband, was given to Central Intelligence Organisation director-general Happyton Bonyongwe.

In an interview with The Zimbabwean, PDP’s spokesperson, Jacob Mafume, said the cabinet reshuffle would not take Zimbabwe anywhere. “The cabinet reshuffle shows that Mugabe is running around a roundabout to nowhere,” he said.

Mafume, a practising lawyer, added that Mugabe placed priority on loyalty to himself by the ministers rather than the need to turnaround the country’s economic fortunes and deliver Zimbabweans out of poverty. “He has destroyed the country. All he worries about is loyalty to himself and nothing for the country,” said Mafume.

Writting on his twitter-handle, Zimbabwean lawyer, Christian leader and politician, David Coltart, also lambasted Mugabe’s cabinet reshuffle: “The old man appears to have totally lost the plot – as bad as Finance Minister Chinamasa was, to replace him with Chombo is sheer lunacy.”

Mugabe is due to contest next year’s election, with his main challenger being veteran opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai. The soon-to-be- 94 leader has been in power since independence in 1980.

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Minister Chombo Threatens Media

News 24

25th September 2017

Harare – Zimbabwe’s home affairs minister on Sunday threatened “renegades and malcontents” who he accused of spreading alarm and despondency by claiming there are shortages.

In a chilling threat, Ignatius Chombo said that the government was monitoring the press and social media “to deal a telling blow to the perpetrators of the crime.”

‘Of grave concern’

Chombo said claims that Zimbabwe has now “slipped back to the hyperinflationary days of 2008” were propaganda – and that criminal charges could be brought against those who make them.

“Of grave concern to the ministry is that these reports have all the trappings of a politically co-ordinated criminal agenda by some well-known renegades and malcontents who now seek to disturb the peace in the country to cause alarm and despondency in pursuit of an illegal political game,” he said in a statement issued on Sunday evening.
‘Subverting the government’

Chombo’s warning came after the arrest of protest pastor Evan Mawarire on Sunday morning. The ThisFlag leader hosted a live chat forum on Facebook on Saturday during which he criticised the government’s handling of the economy. He was charged with subverting the government for making the broadcast, ThisFlag said.

President Robert Mugabe’s government denies there is a problem. Central bank chief John Mangudya issued statements at the weekend assuring Zimbabweans that enough foreign currency is being allocated for the import of basic and essential goods, including fuel and power.

At the weekend, fuel queues emerged at service stations and there were reports of shoppers buying up stocks of basic commodities in anticipation of shortages last seen in the 2007-2008 crisis.

‘Chaos all around’

Some Zimbabweans were quick to dismiss Chombo’s words.
Writing on Twitter, former education minister David Coltart said: “This statement reveals just how delusional the ruining party has become – they don’t appear to notice the economic chaos all around them.”
Said Zimbabwean @MsFazy: “With all due disrespect he (Chombo) can jump off a cliff.”

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How much longer the night? The remorseless tyranny of Robert Mugabe

Times Literary Supplement

By Martin Meredith

22 September 2017

A review of two books by Stuart Doran, “Kingdom, Power and Glory” and David Coltart “The Struggle Continues”

In a pastoral letter sent to congregations throughout Zimbabwe ten years ago, a group of Catholic bishops issued a scathing indictment of Robert Mugabe’s rule. The plight of Zimbabwe’s people, said the bishops, was pitiful. They faced mass unemployment, soaring inflation, hunger and destitution. The health
system had all but disintegrated; schools were in dire straits; public services had collapsed. Yet far from addressing their grievances, Mugabe’s regime had responded “with ever harsher oppression through arrests, detentions,
banning orders, and torture”. In their agony, said the bishops, quoting from a passage in the Book of Isaiah, Zimbabweans were asking, “Watchman, how much longer the night?”

The night has lasted for far longer than the bishops hoped. At the age of ninety-three, though prone to falling asleep in meetings and afflicted by memory lapses, Mugabe clings to power with the same determination and ruthlessness that has marked his political career from the start. His aim, he says, is to live until he is 100 and to rule for life. His
wife, Grace, an avaricious and menacing figure with ambitions to establish a Mugabe dynasty, suggested earlier this year that even if he dies before the 2018 presidential election, he should run “as a corpse”, thus facilitating her own path to power.

Whenever the end comes for Mugabe, the night will not end with him. Zimbabwe is not only in the midst of economic collapse but in the grip of a culture of violence and corruption that its president has fostered since he gained power
in 1980 and is now deeply embedded among the ruling elite. Power for Mugabe was not a means to an end but the end itself. His overriding ambition, he once admitted, was total control, and he has pursued that objective with relentless
single-mindedness, crushing opponents and critics. His accomplices in power have become accustomed to using methods of violence as a matter of routine, able to act with impunity.

A talented teacher with intellectual inclinations, Mugabe once boasted that, in addition to his university degrees, he had since entering politics acquired “many degrees in violence”. In the early 1960s, in Rhodesia, he was
among the first nationalists to advocate armed struggle to overthrow white rule. Given the intransigence of Ian Smith’s regime, it was ultimately the only method available.

Simultaneously, he was involved in organizing attacks against black political opponents. When the nationalist movement split in 1963, setting off internecine warfare between two rival factions, Zapu and Zanu, Mugabe played a prominent role in orchestrating Zanu’s youth group violence against Zapu. Zapu was politically aligned with the Soviet Union and tended
to focus on the urban proletariat, whereas Zanu was a supporter of Mao’s China, and agrarian in outlook. What both sides wanted was a monopoly of control and the “extinction” of the other. Many of the personal hatreds and antagonisms
engendered in the nationalist movement in the 1960s festered as an inveterate subculture that came to the fore after independence in 1980 with disastrous consequences.

In his meticulous study of Mugabe’s quest for supremacy, Kingdom, Power, Glory, Stuart Doran, an Australian historian, concludes that “violence was, for Mugabe, the most effective and gratifying means of dealing with adversaries of any complexion”. The primary evidence, Doran maintains, is to be found not during the civil war of the 1970s, but in the
1960s. “His commitment to violence was already absolute . . . it was directed against both whites and blacks.”

Eleven years of imprisonment hardened his resolve. Whereas Nelson Mandela used his prison years to open a dialogue with South Africa’s white rulers, Mugabe left prison adamantly opposed to any idea of negotiation. In 1975, he escaped into exile to neighbouring Mozambique, intent on taking control of Zanu’s war effort, determined to overthrow white society by force and replace it with a one-party Marxist regime. In 1979, after seven years of civil war in which at least
30,000 people died, when a negotiated settlement under British auspices was within reach at Lancaster House in London, Mugabe still hankered for military victory – “the ultimate joy”. Only an ultimatum from African presidents who had hitherto backed him forced him to compromise. “As I signed the document I was not a happy man at all”, he recalled.

While winning the 1980 election and gaining worldwide plaudits for his speeches on the need for reconciliation, Mugabe lost no time in settling old scores. His main targets were not former white adversaries but his Zapu rivals, led by Joshua Nkomo. Within weeks of taking office, Mugabe initiated plans to crush Nkomo’s support among the Ndebele in his
stronghold of Matabeleland, and in secret he arranged for the North Koreans to train a special Shona-speaking Zanu military brigade, called Gukurahundi, as a strike force.

Using “dissident” activity in Matabeleland as a pretext, Mugabe in 1983 unleashed Gukurahundi on a campaign of mass murder, torture, arson, rape and beatings directed mainly against the civilian population there. Most of the atrocities occurred in rural areas, largely hidden from public view.

But a courageous young white Bulawayo lawyer, David Coltart, together with a handful of Catholic human rights activists, began to collect evidence from surviving witnesses. In his absorbing memoir, The Struggle Continues, Coltart writes: “The brutal reality of genocide confronted me . . . in the genteel surrounds of St Mary’s Catholic Cathedral”. Hundreds of victims had lined up to give their testimony. Sitting at a table in the hall one woman after another told me how her husband, father, brother, son, uncle, grandfather, nephew, had been gunned down before their very eyes; how whole
families had been herded into huts – men, women and children, even babies – which were locked from the outside and set alight . . . . I heard about pregnant women who had been bayoneted; I was told of the systematic rape of others.

Mugabe’s campaign to destroy Zapu lasted for four years. An estimated 20,000 civilians were murdered, many thousands more were beaten and tortured, and an entire people was
victimized. To avoid further violence and repression, Nkomo eventually capitulated andnagreed to disband his party. For years, Mugabe rejected all demands for an inquiry into the Matabeleland atrocities. But Coltart continued his investigations and played a leading role in the publication in 1997 of a detailed account of the terror, entitled Breaking the Silence. He went on to become a prominent critic of Mugabe’s regime and duly suffered the consequences. Denounced by the presidentas a public enemy, he endured death threats, intimidation, harassment and malicious prosecution. Coltart captures in vivid details the hazards facing opposition activists.

Despite the risks, popular resistance to Mugabe’s corrupt and incompetent regime spread to many parts of Zimbabwe. After a humiliating defeat in a referendum in 2000
designed to give him greater power, Mugabe resorted to violence once more, launching a campaign of terror against white farmers and hundreds of thousands of black farm workers, whom he accused of supporting a new opposition party. Across the country, white farmers were murdered, assaulted and driven from their homes by gangs of armed youths paid by the government and organized by the military. Commercial agriculture eventually collapsed, leaving Zimbabwe dependent on foreign food to prevent mass starvation.

In 2005, Mugabe’s target became the mass of disaffected Zimbabweans living in slums and shanty towns on the fringes of urban centres, the poorest of the poor. In a campaign
called murambatsvina, a Shona phrase meaning “Drive out the rubbish”, police squads obliterated one community after another, using bulldozers and sledgehammers. According to a United Nations investigation, some 700,000 people lost their homes, their source of livelihood, or both; a further 2.4 million were affected indirectly. Mugabe claimed that the aim of murambatsvina was slum clearance and promised reconstruction. But virtually nothing was done. His real purpose was to make clear the fate of anyone who voted against him.

The damage inflicted on Zimbabwe by Mugabe’s thirty-seven-year rule is immense. To sustain his grip on power, the president has violated the courts, trampled on property
rights, rigged elections, hamstrung the independent press and left his country bankrupt and impoverished. Every single state institution – the civil service, the judiciary, the police, the military – has been subverted to enforce his will. One quarter of the population lives abroad in order to survive; 4 million depend on food aid; vast numbers of children are stunted by malnutrition; life expectancy at fifty-five years is one of the lowest in the world. What remains is a corrupt elite engaged in a
vicious struggle over the succession, offering little hope for Zimbabwe’s future. The air is thick with accusations of assassination plots, poison attempts, even witchcraft. Two main factions are in contention. One is rooting for the fifty-two-year-old Grace Mugabe, head of Zanu’s women’s league, a crude political operator known for her finger-jabbing tirades against opponents and her penchant for luxury living, most recently in the headlines after being accused of brutally assaulting a model,
Gabriella Engels, in South Africa. The other faction backs Emmerson Mnangagwa, a sinister seventy-five-year-old who played a central role in the Gukurahundi campaign and has remained Mugabe’s chief enforcer, gaining a reputation for cunning and ruthlessness. He is nicknamed Ngwenya – or the Crocodile.

What is nevertheless remarkable about Zimbabwe is the courage and fortitude of so many citizens who, like David Coltart, are still prepared to stand up against tyranny when
the results are so predictable. As he observes, wistfully, after thirty-five years of active service as a human rights lawyer and politician:
“Violence is so deeply rooted in our political culture that it has become our default tactic”.

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Hitches blight voter registration process

Newsday

22nd September 2017

By NQOBANI NDLOVU

TECHNICAL hitches continued to dog the voter registration exercise in some parts of the Matabeleland region yesterday, with some potential voters claiming it took them longer than necessary to have their fingerprints registered in the biometric voter registration (BVR) scanners acquired by the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (Zec).

The most affected were Bulawayo central and Umguza in Matabeleland North province.

In some instances, the machines reportedly failed to indicate some polling centre names, forcing Zec staffers to manually write the polling centre names on registration slips, further delaying the process.

In Bulawayo, former Education minister David Coltart said he had to endure a two-hour delay as the BVR scanner initially failed to recognise his fingerprints to enable him to register as a potential voter in next year’s general elections.

Coltart was among several MDC Alliance leaders who visited the Zec’s voter registration centre in Famona, Bulawayo.

The MDC Alliance team comprised MDC leader, Welshman Ncube, MDC-T’s Bulawayo South legislator, Thabitha Khumalo and Coltart, among others.

Coltart had to endure a nightmare following the technical glitch that resulted in the Zec officers travelling to the city centre to enlist the help of technicians.

“Firstly, it took one hour 45 minutes to get registered, so if you do the mathematics, it will get the vast amount of time to get people registered.

“Of course, I am urban-based, it’s easy for me to come here. Imagine someone in the rural areas,” he said.

“The main challenge was the scanner failing to record my fingerprints. After hours of trying, they brought technicians and they were only able to record five of my 10 fingerprints. Eventually they compromised and recorded those five and said they could not record the others. They said it’s not a problem because when you vote, you use the thumbs and fortunately, it did record the thumbs.

“But this exposed the technical defects of the system. What about a rural person, who doesn’t have a profile like mine, will they be treated with so much courtesy?

“I have to say the staff here was excellent. They did everything to assist me, but in a rush process, are they going to be giving people the same amount of time as they did to me?”

Khumalo expressed concern at the BVR technical glitches, particularly the failure of the scanners to recognise fingerprints.
“There is a huge challenge in terms of fingerprints, where you are being advised that if your fingerprints are not oily, they cannot be read by the scanner.

“What we don’t understand is that if there is need for oil, why then is that oil not supplied?

“Because you are then asked to rub your nose, your hair or wherever there is oil and I think they have to relook at the scanners,” she said.

Ncube weighed in saying: “It took about 10 minutes to get done. It appears they are following the proper procedures, which are set out in the statutory instrument.

“We hope that this will continue, but the principal problem will continue to be registration of young people, who have no independent proof of residence for themselves and often who have to be assisted by parents.

“Our hope is that everyone will be able to be patient to go through the process.”

Zapu deputy spokesperson Iphithule Maphosa said the glitches experienced at Zec registration centres were a clear indication that the election agency was not prepared for elections, which are due next year.

“I think political parties have been vindicated in our calls to Zec not to rush the voter registration process without adequate preparations,” he said.

“Some of the information is now manually captured and yet this is supposed to be a computerised process.
“Considering the history of our previous electoral processes, which are riddled with allegations of vote rigging, this is likely to raise a lot of eyebrows.”

Zec chairperson Rita Makarau could not be reached for comment.

The exercise was rolled out on Monday at 63 selected centres throughout the country and is expected to end in mid-January 2018.

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Khumalo “donates” seat to Coltart

Newsday

BY BLESSED MHLANGA

13th September 2017

MDC-T deputy spokesperson and Bulawayo East legislator Thabitha Khumalo has resolved to step down and not contest in the 2018 general elections after she ceded her parliamentary seat to MDC’s David Coltart as part of the opposition parties’ coalition deal.

“Coltart is most likely to be the MDC Alliance candidate in Bulawayo East after Khumalo offered to stand down for him in furtherance of the alliance. She will be deployed by the party to run our election information blitz ahead of the polls,” the source said.

Contacted for comment yesterday, Khumalo initially said she was not aware of the deal.

“You heard it from who? I was not aware that the allocation of seats had been agreed,” she said before saying she was committed to see the alliance work and would sacrifice for the greater good of the country.

“Interesting, if the time comes I will take the necessary action for Zimbabweans and will do whatever it takes to ensure that we win and dislodge Zanu PF from power. They have destroyed this country and surely I cannot allow more than 13 million people to suffer so that I hold on to a parliamentary seat,” she said.

Her comments come at a time MDC-T vice-president Thokozani Khupe has clashed with party leader Morgan Tsvangirai over their party’s involvement in the coalition pact and criteria used to share parliamentary seats among the seven opposition parties who make up the MDC Alliance.

Khupe, party chairperson Lovemore Moyo and suspended organising secretary Abednico Bhebhe have publicly stated that they do not subscribe to the idea of ceding the MDC-T’s Matabeleland seats to other opposition parties, claiming the party should coalesce in other regions where it was less popular.

The trio recently boycotted the launch of the alliance in Harare and Bulawayo, accusing Tsvangirai of rushing to seal the deal before reaching consensus with other top party leaders.

The boycott has created a rift raising fears that the MDC-T could split ahead of the crucial 2018 elections.

A meeting between Tsvangirai and his deputy, which had been pencilled for Monday, failed to happen after the parties failed to settle for a venue.

Sources said talks were ongoing to bring Khupe, Moyo and Tsvangirai to the negotiating table.

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