Newsday

Guest column Dumisani Nkomo

7th June 2019

THIS article seeks to explore the efficacy of elections as a tool of democratic governance in Zimbabwe since 1980.

It is by no means exhaustive, but in a brief and cursory manner looks at the merits and demerits of elections in their current form in Zimbabwe. I would like to argue that elections have been done ritually and religiously since 1980, but elections thus far have failed to deliver democratic governance since independence.

However, elections are the only way in which leaders and governments can be put in place. In the absence of other alternatives, they remain the only legitimate democratic avenue of collective political expression. My argument is that there have to be widespread electoral and political reforms before elections become a tool for effective governance and conflict transformation.

It is, however, unlikely that the incumbents will be amenable to any reforms that may erode or compromise their grip on power.

Brief history of elections in Zimbabwe

Since 1980, election results have been disputed, with the 1980 elections being held amid allegations of widespread voter intimidation and undue external influence on the electoral process.

It was alleged by PF Zapu that Zanu PF had embarked on nationwide terror campaigns in order to coerce voters into electing their party into power. It was further alleged that a large number of Zanla combatants had not gone into designated assembly points, but instead Zanu PF had deployed a large number of mujibhas and chimbwidos into the assembly points, while trained guerrillas continued to cause havoc in many rural areas.

The 1985 elections were held while the Gukurahundi massacres were underway and the main opposition, PF Zapu at that time, had its offices and operations curtailed. Most of their top leaders such as Sydney Malunga, Vote Moyo, Steve Vuma, Stephen Nkomo as well as Lookout Masuku and Dumiso Dabengwa, were in detention.

Central intelligence officials and the then newly-created notorious Police Internal Security Intelligence, the youth brigades and the Fifth Brigade had lists of PF Zapu officials in each district of Matabeleland/Midlands and went village by village wantonly killing and abducting PF Zapu officials, and the likes of Frasser Sibanda from Mpopoma, Bulawayo, were abducted never to be seen again.

Elections were still held and surprisingly, PF Zapu won all 15 seats in Matabeleland, but lost seats in the Midlands and Mashonaland West where Zanu PF had targeted its supporters. The elections then were not free and fair.

In 1990, after the 1987 Unity Accord, the main opposition was the Zimbabwe Unity Movement led by Edgar Tekere and his party was exposed to a lot of State vagaries and brutalities, with Patrick Kombayi, then a leading ZUM official, being shot by intelligence agents. In spite of a sterling performance, ZUM was soundly beaten and the system of first-past-the-post ensured that they had few seats in Parliament.

The 2000 parliamentary elections and 2002 presidential elections were some of the most violent and unfair elections in the history of the country with the advent of the Movement for Democratic Change. There was wide-scale intimidation, murder and abductions of opposition supporters and officials, with the likes of David Coltart’s election agent Patrick Nabanyama being abducted and scores killed in cold blood.

The State media was brazenly partisan, chiefs were whipped into line and land redistribution was done on partisan lines. Repressive and archaic laws such as the Public Order and Security Act and the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act were introduced. The then Morgan Tsvangirai-led MDC disputed the elections and filed election petitions.

The same script happened in the 2008 elections, where Zanu PF and its candidate former President Robert Mugabe were beaten in the elections by the MDC. Election results were delayed and there was no outright winner according to the electoral management body.

The opposition complained bitterly and a run-off for the presidential elections was held. After thousands of opposition supporters were beaten and abducted, Tsvangirai pulled out of the race. A political and electoral impasse ensued and a Government of National Unity was formed after mediation by South Africa’s then President Thabo Mbeki.

In 2013, Zanu PF won both the parliamentary and presidential elections amid allegations of massive rigging, which, however, could not be proved. It was a scenario of everybody knowing that they had been pick-pocketed, but not being sure how the electoral pick-pocketing had been done.

Of course, there was also massive internal structural, strategic and political discord in the opposition that contributed to the loss, including splitting of votes between the opposition parties. This aside, the history of systematic and smart militarisation of electoral and political processes continued and has become embedded in our collective electoral DNA.

This is not helped by weak internal democracy within major opposition parties, where more often than not the most violent or corrupt end up winning as candidates as evidenced in the last elections, where the number of women candidates decreased due to increased intra-party violence .

The 2018 elections were predictably again disputed by the MDC Alliance, but it is pretty obvious that after a coup, the incumbents were not going to give away power on a silver platter. The new political establishment, jettisoned into power through a military coup needed the elections to be baptised and confirmed as legitimate, while the opposition saw it as a democratic opportunity to conquer power.

It was obvious that at any and every means, the new/old political-military establishment needed to win the elections and they made sure they did, because the consequences of losing after a military takeover were monumental .

Once again, for 2023, the script is the same. Party/State conflation rules the roost, traditional leaders continue to be partisan, food distribution is politicised, the composition of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission secretariat is questionable and State media is an extension of the ruling party.

The first-past-the-post system continues marginalising minority voices and so-called smaller parties with key geo-political interests and positions will continue to be sidelined. It is unlikely that the 2013 elections will deliver a different result. The script remains the same.

The actors can change, but unless the script is changed, the results will be the same and Zimbabweans will be crying foul once again. Elections in Zimbabwe are like, as one person described, “two lions and one sheep deciding what to have for supper “.

I am not saying elections are useless, but in the absence of far-reaching reforms such as:

• Independence of the electoral management body
• A clean voters roll and a transparent process of voter registration
• Punitive measures for partisan traditional leaders
• Depoliticisation of food distribution and inputs
• Demilitarisation of elections – especially involvement in the electoral management body secretariat
• Media reforms
• Respect for the Constitution and upholding of fundamental human rights
• Deharmonising local government elections from presidential elections so that local government elections focus on local issues, and quality meritocratic leadership
• Proportional representation in Parliament – it has its own disadvantages though, but the first-past-the-post system entrenches big man politics .

In the absence of these reforms, elections remain a mere political ritual carried out religiously to legitimise incumbents at the altar of political convenience.
Mayibuye.

AllAfrica.com

4th June 2019

By Elia Ntali

Zimbabwe’s President Mnangagwa has called for open debate on massacres in the 1980s that he allegedly masterminded. Many are unconvinced.

President of Zimbabwe Emmerson Mnangagwa was Minister for State Security at the time of the Gukurahundi massacres. Credit: DIRCO News Service/ Jacoline Schoonees.

In 1983, Nqobizitha Mhlaleri was ten years old when a bloody massacre in western Zimbabwe destroyed his community and left him an orphan.

“I was made to step on dead bodies including my parents’,” he says, now aged 46. “The soldiers were ruthless. They left a trail of disaster.”

Nobuhle Ndlovu, 68, recounts a similar tale of violence.

“I was pregnant then when six men arrived at our home enquiring of any suspicious men around the village,” she says. “They accused us of harbouring dissidents. I was told to lie face down… The next thing were gunshots and they left. When I went to check, I saw my husband in a pool of blood. He had been shot in the head.”

In Matabeleland and the Midlands, many people have similarly traumatic experiences from the 1980s when political tensions spilled into mass atrocities. Zimbabwe became independent in 1980 to much jubilation, but from the start, tensions simmered between two rival groups: Robert Mugabe’s Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU), which won the 1980 elections, and Joshua Nkomo’s Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU).

In 1983, their antagonism erupted into violence when ZANU-led government decided to crack down on ZAPU supporters. The Fifth Brigade, a military unit trained by the North Korean army, swept through provinces in Matebeleland and the Midlands, where ZAPU support – much of which came from the minority Ndebele people – derived. The operation was codenamed Gukurahundi, which translates in Shona as “the rain that washes away the chaff”. From 1983 to 1987, security forces targeted thousands of Ndebele with torture, detention and summary execution. An estimated 20,000 people were killed.

The man widely alleged to have masterminded the massacres, Emmerson Mnangagwa, became Zimbabwe’s president in 2017.

A moment of madness?

This period of violence effectively ended in December 1987 when former President Mugabe and Nkomo signed the Unity Accord. As part of this, ZANU and ZAPU merged to become the ZANU-PF party. In the following months, an amnesty was announced for both security forces and dissidents who had committed violations.

The Gukurahundi massacres ended but the underlying issues and impact of the chaos remained unresolved and unaddressed. President Mugabe commissioned an NGO report and appointed the Chihambakwe Commission of Inquiry to investigate the violence. But the commission’s findings were never made public. Many Ndebele communities were left devastated and alone to cope with the trauma and loss, passing on the pain from generation to generation.

“The Gukurahundi issue is still unresolved 36 years after it occurred,” says David Coltart, Zimbabwe’s former minister for Education, Sport, Arts and Culture. “There are no memorials. There are still mass graves. There was never any compensation of victims.”

According to Coltart, the closest the government has come to apologising for the havoc it wrought was in 2000 when Mugabe referred to the massacres as “a moment of madness”. Beyond that, little has been done to atone for the widespread violence. Many Ndebele still suffer from the wounds of the Gukurahundi, which were made even harder to bear when Mugabe was removed from office and replaced by Emmerson Mnangagwa in November 2017.

At the time of the Gukurahundi, Mnangagwa was the minister for state security and oversaw the Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO). He is widely believed to have played a central role in the massacres. He now not only occupies Zimbabwe’s top job, but has brought other key figures accused of leading the massacres with him.

“The First Brigade was then headed by Dominic Chinenge and the Fifth Brigade was headed by Perence Shiri,” says Coltart. “The CIO provided lists of ZAPU private operatives to the Fifth Brigade who deployed troops to villagers, whilst the First Brigade provided with logistical support.”

Dominic Chinenge (aka Constantino Chiwenga) is now Vice-President. Perence Shiri is Agriculture Minister.

“We need to talk about reparations, justice, and truth-telling”

Since coming to office, President Mnangagwa has made some efforts to address the grievances of the Ndebele community. In March 2019, for instance, he agreed to meet with representatives of the Matebeleleland Collective, a consortium of regional civil society organisations. For Jenny Williams, convener of the collective, the time was right to meet with the new government.

“Despite the pain still felt and shared by people of this region, we realistically told each other that it is time to engage the government of Zimbabwe,” she says.

That decision may have borne some fruit. In the weeks following the meeting, Mnangagwa appealed to Zimbabweans to talk freely about the massacres. “Let’s open a debate so as not to fear anything”, he said. The government also suggested plans to exhume and rebury victims, provide counselling and medical services, and issue documents to displaced survivors.

These moves have so far split opinion. Dr Dumisani Ngwenya, a member of the Matebeleleland Collective, is cautiously optimistic.

“It does seem as if there is a more of a movement now than previously… People are a little freer to talk about it in public,” he says. “Only time will tell whether this is a genuine move or not, but for now we have no reason to doubt the intention at least.”

Many others, however, are far less convinced. Political analyst Gift Ostallos Siziba, for instance, suggests that it is “folly” to believe progress is being made without more comprehensive redress.

“We need to talk about reparations, justice, and truth-telling,” he says. “These are fundamentals that need to be discussed.”

He stresses Mnangagwa’s alleged role in the Gukurahundi massacres and suggests the president is obscuring the reality of what happened.

“He is not going to open up. That’s why he was arresting those viewed as threats to the process of truth telling,” says Siziba, referring to the arrest of journalist Zenzele Ndebele after he called on the president to address what happened in the 1980s. “Mnangagwa is putting lipstick [on the issue], trying to cajole the international community [by] talking about something that he is a perpetrator of.”Close

Researcher Tjenesani Ntungakwa echoes some of these views and suggests that only an independent body can honestly adjudicate.

“Everyone who was involved in these atrocities does not want to come out clean,” he says. “There is a need to have an independent commission manned by the church. The first people to bring facts on the issue [of human rights abuses committed in the Gukurahundi massacres] was the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace (CCJP).”

A collective healing

Across Matebeleleland and the Midlands, the impact of the violence in the 1980s continues to be felt. For survivors like Nqobizitha, the lack of redress has made it hard to move on.

“It continues to haunt me even in my sleep,” he says.

He and thousands of others are still awaiting acknowledgement from the government, an apology and meaningful compensation. It is hard to say whether the fact that Mnangagwa – the man many believe to have been the violence’s key architect – is now president helps their cause or not.

Either way, for many, the Gukurahundi massacres continue to loom over Zimbabwe 36 years after they began. On the one hand, these ongoing grievances feed into the minority Ndebele’s long-standing feelings of marginalisation. But on the other, some argue that the issue is about more than just one group; it strikes at the heart of the kind of nation Zimbabwe should be.

“You cannot say it should be a Matebeleland thing,” says researcher Mbuso Fuzwayo. “It is something where national resources were spent to carry out the exercise and we should approach it with the national outlook to say: ‘What form of Zimbabwe do we want?'”

Read the original of this report, including embedded links and illustrations, on the African Arguments site.Tagged:

Newsday

29th May 2019

BY BLESSED MHLANGA/ BRENNA MATENDERE

THE just-ended MDC congress was a logistical nightmare, with the party failing to meet set timelines and pushing voting into the dead of the night.

Already, knives are out for organising secretary Amos Chibaya, who stands accused of failing to co-ordinate processes and leaving the congress in shambles, only to be saved by determined delegates.

Congress failed to kick off on time on Friday, with the youth and women assemblies failing to receive reports from the outgoing leaders.

Election of the youth assembly leaders ran into the night, resulting in women elections being deferred to Sunday.

There were also concerns over the snail pace of the voting process, which saw some delegates giving up, thereby denying them the right to vote for their candidates of choice.

Chibaya, however, defended the processes and said everything was done above board.

“It is not true that the youths voting process was deliberately pushed into the night. According to the programme, Friday was for travel and voting. So although some youths were early birds and pitched up early in the morning, the voting could only begin after all had arrived. For example, youths from Shurugwi and Kwekwe understandably came early, but remember, we had others from far places like Kariba, Binga, Chiredzi and so on. So it was not a delay or deliberate move to push voting into the night,” he said.

He also attributed the postponement of the women assembly voting from Friday to Sunday to the “unforeseen lengthy deliberations in the thematic committees”.

“The congress was not only about voting. Soon after official opening, we broke into thematic committee groups, whose ideas were significant in shaping our resolutions and defining the path for change. So that process took long and had to see voting for women assembly being done the following day. Accusations against the organising department are baseless. We had adequate lighting at night and even when Zesa cut us off, Plan B was already there and night was like noon,” the Mkoba legislator said.

Chibaya was accused of setting up one polling station and failing to open polls early until party president Nelson Chamisa and Jacob Mafume had to intervene late in the afternoon.

Polls only opened at 11am, with Manicaland province taking to the ballot first until around 4pm.

Chamisa had to order the opening of more polling stations and purchase of ballot buckets when the few that had been made available were fast used up, further delaying the voting process.

Out of the 6 200 accredited delegates, close to 4 400 voted in the elections, while some could not because they did not carry their national identity cards with them.

Some delegates alleged that they were turned away and failed to cast their ballots despite having their names on the voters roll.

Mfundo Mlilo, the spokesperson of an independent election commission appointed by the MDC to run the congress polls, dismissed allegations of victimising voters, saying some delegates were denied the right to vote due to enhanced mechanisms of transparency.

“In order for one to vote, they had to have their name on the voters roll and have an ID to prove their identity. So if your name was in the roll, but you did not have an ID, you could not vote,” the civic rights activist said.

The voting process, although slow, was conducted in the full glare of external observers and journalists, while the counting and verification was done in the open with cameras allowed in every process.

A number of congress delegates were unhappy with the manner in which the party handled planning and logistics.

A senior official, who refused to be named, said the MDC was saved by a committed and dedicated team of supporters.

“This is the worst congress we have had in our existence. The organising secretary let us down. Transport was not co-ordinated. We failed to finish on time and accommodation for our delegates was the worst,” the senior member said.

In a wide-ranging interview, new treasurer-general David Coltart committed to change the manner in which the MDC would be run going forward.

He said his duty was to introduce efficiency to the party and ensure all its programmes were well-funded, while infrastructure was maintained.

Pindula News

28th May 2019

The newly elected MDC Treasurer General, David Coltart has called upon the citizenry to lower their expectations both nationally and in the party. He said that issues grounding Zimbabwe are deep-rooted hence would need a lot of determination. The former Education minister said that if Chamisa would become the president of Zimbabwe soon, he would not be able to turn fortunes around within a very limited space of time.

The Zimbabwe Mail

27th May 2019

Gweru, Harare – Zimbabwe’s main opposition has elected Nelson Chamisa as its next president and a new team of national executive in its first congress since the death of its revered founder, Morgan Tsvangirai.

The Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) elected Chamisa unopposed, boosting a party plagued by infighting since Tsvangirai’s death and battered by an election defeat.

Tsvangirai appointed Chamisa and Elias Mudzuri as party co-vice presidents before succumbing to colon cancer in February 2018.

Chamisa, 41, then took the party helm, becoming its champion in the first presidential elections since the authoritarian Robert Mugabe was ousted.

He lost the historic ballot to incumbent Emmerson Mnangagwa, an outcome that he says was rigged.

The biggest casualty at the MDC Alliance’s elective congress in Gweru, Zimbabwe, at the weekend is outgoing secretary-general Douglas Mwonzora.

Mwonzora was initially earmarked to challenge for the party’s leadership at the congress but failed to get nominations, leaving party leader Nelson Chamisa uncontested.

As such, he reverted to defend his position against a Chamisa ally, Charlton Hwende, and Fortune Daniel Molokele. Hwende emerged the winner with a resounding 2,099 votes to Mwonzora’s 721, while Molokele was third with 577.

The vice-presidency was a predictable affair, with Tendai Biti and Prof Welshman Ncube joined by Lynette Kore as the third pick.

David Coltart is the new treasurer-general and the chairman is Thabitha Khumalo, her deputy being Job Sikhala.

Morgan Tsvangirai’s daughter, Vimbai, was elected women’s assembly secretary-general in her absence.

Meanwhile, guest of honour Ugandan musician and leader of the People Power Movement political party, Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, known by his stage name, Bobi Wine, performed a version of his Uganda … sleeping mama land at the congress on Sunday.

He substituted “Uganda” for “Zimbabwe” and bellowed, “… Chamisa we are the future, we are the change we badly need. We are the leaders of the future, and the future is today,” as the MDC Alliance’s delegation at the high table stood up to join the firebrand Ugandan MP.

Chamisa joined the performance, chanting, “Put your hands up if you love Chamisa, and put your hands up if you love the MDC”.

In his address, Bobi Wine said Zimbabwean and Ugandan opposition politicians are fighting the same cause against tyranny that has led to heartbreak.

“The story of many African countries has been a story of unfulfilled hopes and broken dreams… you are all familiar with our history. Our people have dreamt of a new day, only to go back into the darkest of the night. We gather here in Zimbabwe to witness the sad story of unfulfilled hopes,” he said.

Speaking at the congress, Chamisa said the party would push for early elections to solve the economic situation because, “five years is too long”.

In response, home affairs minister Cain Mathema said the government would not  hesitate to put down any uprising.

“Our law-enforcement agencies are under full orders to exercise their full, lawful authority and might to guarantee peace and calmness for and at all times. Such reckless threats made against any constitutional order in any part of the world require and invite a vigorous response,” he said.

The results coming from Ascot Stadium indicate that the opposition Movement for Democratic Change has produced the following leadership during its electoral process that happened throughout the night.

President: Nelson Chamisa

Vice Presidents: Tendai Biti
Welshman Ncube
Lennet Kairenyi Kore

Secretary General: Charlton Hwende

Treasurer General: David Coltart

Chairperson: Tabitha Khumalo

Deputy Chairperson: Job Sikhala

There has been an outcry from some losing candidates who are alleging vote rigging and stuffing of ballot papers.

One of the losing candidates Douglas Mwonzora on Sunday tried to question if the structures of 2014 were going to be allowed to vote according to a National Executive Committee resolution.

Analysts who commented on the results congratulated MDC and said the party had managed to put together a strong team.

Human Rights defender Dr Pedzisayi Ruhwanya said, “The best MDC leadership line up since formation in 1999. Well done Nelson Chamisa for running a credible congress that produced solid and credible leadership. You have shown the world how to run elections; no shenanigans, manipulation etc.

“Those who did not make it in the MDC Congress in Gweru like Dougie, Komichi, Molokela have not lost.

How the MDC leadership lead by Nelson Chamisa strategically deploys these people will show the strength of both the leadership and the party. Their contributions are required.”

After the blow of July’s election loss, Chamisa may have the political winds behind him as the new MDC chief.

Zimbabwe’s economy, which the 76-year-old Mnangagwa has vowed to revive, is once more an explosive issue, with shortages of fuel, a cash crunch and rising inflation.

But whether the youthful Chamisa can appeal to a broader audience as this crisis unfolds is unclear.

“His popularity cannot be disputed – he is popular broadly within the MDC,” Chitanga said.

“But I’m not sure he has worked on his other traits as a leader of such a huge movement to a point where he inspires confidence to different sections of society.”

About 10 000 delegates and guests attended the conference in the central city of Gweru.

Formed in 1999, following a conference of labour, church and civic society and students groups with trade unionist Tsvangirai as founding leader, the MDC is the largest opposition party the country has known since independence in 1980.

It is the only party to have posed a sizeable challenge to Zanu-PF’s grip on power, often in the face of violence.

In the 2008 elections, Tsvangirai beat Mugabe in the first round of presidential elections but failed to garner enough votes to be declared winner.

He withdrew from the runoff, citing attacks on his supporters by Zanu-PF militants and state agents that left around 200 people dead and thousands of people displaced.

Despite its prominence, the party has a long history of division.

It first split over whether to contest in senate elections in 2006, again in 2013 in the aftermath of general elections and most recently in internecine feuding over Tsvangirai’s succession.

Earlier this month, the high court, petitioned by a party district official, declared that Chamisa’s appointment as party vice-president by Tsvangira had been illegal.

The MDC says the ruling is a Zanu-PF machination ahead of the congress, and has lodged an appeal.

Pindula News

27th May 2019

The counting of votes still going on at MDC congress in Gweru, but we are reliably informed Charlton Hwende will be the new secretary general. He polled 2,099 votes to 721 for Douglas Mwonzora.

Meanwhile, former Minister of Education, David Coltart has been elected MDC treasurer-general.

Elections were held late into the night on Sunday, with a power failure over Ascot Stadium being experienced forcing voting to be done using vehicle headlights.

• Hwende – 2099
• Mwonzora – 721
• Molokele – 577
• Spoilt – 13

The counting of votes is still ongoing, with winners for the posts of the three vice presidents and women assembly chair not yet declared.

Newsday

By Blessed Mhlanga/Brenna Matendere

27th May 2019

THOUSANDS of MDC supporters slept in the open for the entire duration of their party congress in Gweru at the weekend due to lack of financial resources, amid allegations that the Zanu PF government had “deliberately” withheld money due to the opposition movement under the Political Parties Finance Act.

Outgoing MDC secretary-general Douglas Mwonzora accused President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s government of deliberately trying to sabotage the MDC congress by withholding the party’s funding despite making a commitment to disburse the money by last Wednesday.

“I can confirm that government did not disburse our funds. This was totally unfair,” Mwonzora said, equating the move to a financial warfare against his party.

“We budgeted for this congress with that money in mind. Over the years, when there is a congress and the money has not come, we would make a case with the government. In this case, I personally went to make a case with the Justice minister (Ziyambi Ziyambi) and his permanent secretary (Virginia Mabiza), they actually promised us that they were going to pay by Wednesday last week, but the money did not come,” he said.

Government through the Political Parties Finance Act, funds all parties with representation of 5% or more in Parliament.

The Nelson Chamisa-led MDC was entitled to almost $4,8 million which it was eyeing to fund its congress, including paying for delegates’ accommodation.

“We are talking of money in the region of $4,8 million and this congress was actually going to cost us less. What it means is that we were then unable to accommodate our people decently, but you see the resilience of our people, some of them did not have good meals, but there are still here, because these people love their party, love their change and they have to work for their change,” he said.

But Ziyambi denied meeting MDC officials to discuss the issue of the funds, accusing the opposition party of trying to find a scapegoat for its failures.

“I am not aware of the visit. In any case, even Zanu PF has not received its allocation,” Ziyambi said.

In the chilling cold spell that ravaged Gweru over the days of congress and the spiking prices of basic commodities, many MDC activists slept in the open at Ascot Stadium and vowed to keep the vigil until it closed.

Delegate Jairos Vemba told NewsDay that he had sold some of his livestock to fund his stay in Gweru.

“We are a party with no resources, but we have a big heart. This party is ours and we will not tire, we will fund this party with our sweat and tears,” he said.

Chamisa told NewsDay that there has been a protracted warfare against his party.

“Zanu PF has been trying by every turn to bring us down, but this is a people’s project, it will not fail because someone wants to withhold State funding or target the party leadership. Our people are resilient and committed to ensuring that the MDC, as a vehicle for change, delivers,” he said.

Up until late last night, elections for members of the MDC standing committee, which includes top posts of vice-president, treasurer-general, secretary-general, chairperson and vice-chairpersons, were still ongoing.

Tension was high, especially as Mwonzora mounted a fight back against Charlton Hwende in the secretary-general’s race.

Mwonzora has mounted a brave campaign despite being labelled a sell-out. He marched on with his team, declaring loyalty to party, leadership and cause.

Chamisa could be heard consoling Hwende who appeared to be suffering post-electoral stress.

“Don’t stress much about elections, remember my time when I was defeated for the secretary-general position, I was stressed. I wanted to go to the rural areas because my attitude has always been that these are people’s choices,” Chamisa told a visibly distraught Hwende.

Insiders are, however, tipping Welshman Ncube and Tendai Biti to land the vice-presidents’ posts.

However, Lillian Timveous’ supporters were pushing hard to ensure that Linnet Karenyi-Kore does not grab the female vice-president’s slot.

David Coltart appeared set to land the treasurer-general’s position, while Thabitha Khumalo was almost assured of the party chairperson post. For the vice-presidency, Job Sikhala appeared at ease, but his challenger Happymore Chidziva kept him on his toes.

Candidates cited a number of irregularities, saying they never got time to inspect the voters’ roll and feared that names of their supporters could be missing.

Mwonzora alleged they could have been some ballot stuffing after one voter was caught with two ballots.

Chamisa, who has been blighted with legitimacy issues after he was jettisoned to power by the party’s national council to take over from the late Morgan Tsvangirai, said he is now preparing his party for a major showdown with Zanu PF.

Speaking to the media just after pushing a victory lap to a rousing reception by party delegates, Chamisa said the MDC was building a continental giant.

“We are unstoppable, there is no going back. This is a massive political party, a party of the people. We are grateful to (the late) Dr Richard Morgan Tsvangirai, Dumiso Dabengwa and many others who contributed to this great project. I am sure you have seen the provinces and we pray to God and we wait for them to vote and pray that the best candidates will win,” he said.

Having lost many elections to Zanu PF, amid allegations of rigging, Chamisa said the party was going through a transformative stage, especially to ensure the they match the ruling party pound for pound.

Newsday

24th May 2019

By Everson Mushava/Obey Manayiti

The MDC congress kicks off today with youths and women’s assemblies elections. NewsDay caught up with some of the candidates vying for positions at the congress to get their views on why they think they are the right candidates for the various portfolios they are vying for. Below are some of the briefs:

David Coltart

I am standing for election for treasury-general and I have set out a five-point plan of action. Firstly, I will implement uniform systems from national to ward level.

Secondly, I will adopt zero tolerance policy regarding corruption and bad administration within the party. Thirdly, I will implement a system of electronic membership cards that will benefit well over 2,5 million people who support the MDC so that we can adequately finance the party from domestic resources.
Fourthly, to reach out to the diaspora as we have many Zimbabweans who are MDC supporters and we have to work out means of tapping into that support.

Fifthly, to draw the support of people who are not in full-time politics, but who have particular skills and who are sympathetic to the MDC so that we can improve efficiency. The reality is that the MDC is inefficiently run and that needs to change.

I have said that people shouldn’t vote for me on what I offer or by the promises I make, but by checking the records. As founding legal secretary of the MDC, I set up the legal defence fund and raised tens of thousands of dollars to ensure that MDC members were adequately represented.

As Education minister, I raised tens of millions of dollars to run the education transition fund efficiently and I bring those skills to the MDC, if elected. So, all I can do is set that out and then rest on the democratic rule of the MDC membership.

Tracy Mutinhiri

I am vying for the position of vice-president. I am expecting to win why, because I am a mature and experienced politician. I will continue with my very successful strategy of marketing president Nelson Chamisa and MDC brand and assist with programmes of national healing and reconciliation as I am also a mother who lost her daughter, Belinda Mutinhiri, under unclear circumstances, just as Itai Dzamara’s mother and others.

If elected, I will assist with coming up with sound economic policies which will attract investors, which Zimbabwe desperately needs. I will also assist in fighting corruption from all our economic sectors. My rural background will assist in recruiting more supporters in rural areas and convince more women I worked with in the past because they know my good track record. I will remain very loyal to my president Chamisa and set programmes of empowering women and youths with income-generating projects.

Job Sikhala

I am contesting to be the party’s national vice-chairperson. It is a position that deals with important and fundamental issues of the party. It deals with the structural health of the party. It needs a sober, kind and firm hand. I will offer that.

Secondly, it is the chair of the elections directorate and disciplinary hearings. Never shall positions be acquired through patronage, corruption, friendship or any other vices. Never shall double candidates be an issue in the party. I will not need secondary assistance to interpret the party constitution or the party code of conduct. It will only be the expeditious dispensary of justice.

Lilian Timveos

I am vying for the position of vice-president. I am a wife, a mother and a woman in Zimbabwe. I am also a businesswoman in Zimbabwe, who understands the challenges facing businesses, consumers and our jobless youth. Since joining the party, I have committed myself to upholding MDC values and principles.

I have worked hard for the party in various capacities, Midlands provincial chair where I was the first female chair for the province where I dispatched my work effectively through teamwork. I am celebrating my second term as senator of the Midlands; I am currently the Chief Whip in the Senate, a position I am indebted to both the party and my colleagues in the Senate.

I stand ready to be your vice-president, not a woman vice-president, but a vice-president of equal fit. I pray that people will vote for me based on my pledge to deliver my duties in line with our policy blueprint for transformation, opportunity and prosperity. I promise to add value to the visionary leadership of president Chamisa by bringing in my vast political experience, loyalty, integrity, visionary and accountability in the presidium.

ZimLive.com

BY TONY KAROMBO

23rd May 2019

Tributes poured in for liberation icon Dumiso Dabengwa, following his death in Nairobi, Kenya, on Thursday.

President Emmerson Mnangagwa said he had “huge respect for Dumiso and his contribution to Zimbabwe as a liberation fighter, a long-standing Minister of Home Affairs and as a man.”

MDC leader Nelson Chamisa paid tribute to a “a humble, wise, honest and principled leader.”

“A hero of our liberation struggle without peer, he lived a simple life. We don’t take it lightly that he endorsed our cause before he left us. We join the Dabengwa family, and nation during this sad moment,” Chamisa said on Twitter.

The Dumiso Dabengwa Foundation said Zimbabwe had “lost a man of the people, and a mentor”, describing the former Home Affairs Minister as a “son of the soil who sacrificed his entire life for the independence of this great nation of Zimbabwe.”

Lawyer David Coltart said: “Although we were on different sides in the war and on different sides when I first stood for Parliament, we became good friends and he will be greatly missed. My deepest sympathy is extended to Zodwa and their family.”

Tributes also came from the United States embassy, the Dutch embassy and the European Union mission to Zimbabwe.

Chief Nhlanhla Ndiweni of Ntabazinduna, Dabengwa’s birthplace, tweeted: “Words will not suffice to express the heartfelt sorrow for the passing of my Dumiso Dabengwa. The nation has been robbed of a gallant son. He will forever be Ntabazindunas greatest export. Phumula qhawe!”

Dabengwa, jailed by the regime on treason charges during army massacres that rights groups say killed thousands in Matabeleland in the 1980s, died aged 79 as he returned from India where he was receiving treatment for liver disease.

Dabengwa was head of intelligence for the armed wing of the ZAPU liberation movement, which was led by the late Joshua Nkomo in a struggle against white minority rule in the then Rhodesia.

Nicknamed the “Black Russian” because of his military training in Russia, Dabengwa was accused of hiding arms of war, the pretext for the army crackdown in western Zimbabwe that rights groups say killed 20,000 mostly minority Ndebele.

In 1983, Dabengwa and Lookout Masuku, the commander of ZIPRA, were charged with treason by the government of then President Robert Mugabe. They were acquitted by the courts but remained in detention until their release in 1986.

Masuku, whose health deteriorated in detention, was released to a hospital ward where he died. Joshua Nkomo later said Masuku’s last wish to see Dabengwa had been rejected by the regime.

Dabengwa would in later years say that ZAPU’s armed wing included members from South Africa’s ruling African National Congress (ANC), which was fighting the apartheid government and that some of the cached arms belonged to ANC’s military wing.

The 1982 to 1987 massacres have continued to haunt President Emmerson Mnangagwa, who was Mugabe’s security minister during the period. Mnangagwa last month said Zimbabweans should openly talk about the massacres, known as “Gukurahundi”, as part of a national healing process.

Dabengwa became a government minister for eight years up to 2000 after ZAPU merged with the ruling Zanu PF. After leaving government, Dabengwa became critical of Mugabe and Zanu PF policies before leaving the party to revive ZAPU in 2008.

In the run-up to the July 2018 presidential and parliamentary vote, Dabengwa supported opposition leader Nelson Chamisa for the presidency.

Bulawayo 24 News

By Mandla Ndlovu

23rd May 2019

An online publication says it has conducted an opinion poll on candidate preferences for MDC congress amongst delegates from Mashonaland West Province.

The outcomes  show that for the post of male Vice President Professor Welshman Ncube is leading followed by Morgan Komichi and Tendai Biti. MDC needs two male Vice Presidents.

For the post Secretary General Charlton Hwende seems to be the preferred candidate while for the Treasurer General position David Coltart is emerging as a front runner.

MDC leader Nelson Chamisa says the delegates have starting pouring into the Midlands town of Gweru to attend the historic congress after the passing away of founding President Morgan Richard Tsvangirai.

Said Chamisa, “All set and exciting.  Delegates already arriving from all the corners of Zimbabwe. All roads lead to Gweru, Midlands this weekend for the MDC 5th National Congress. No matter what! Noma kanjani!”

Find the results of the poll below:

Category A: Female Vice Presidents

1) Karenyi~Kore Lynette – 47%
2) Timveos Lilian- 42%
3) Mutinhiri Tracy- 11%

Category B: Male Vice President
1) Ncube Welshman- 33%
2) Komichi Morgan- 31%
3) Biti Tendai – 27%
4) Mudzuri Elias- 9%

Category C: National Chairman
1) Mpofu Bheki- 39%
2) Gabuzza Joel- 31%
3) Kumalo Tabitha- 30%

Category D: Vice Chairman:
1) Chidziva Happymore- 43%
2) Sikhala Job- 37%
3) Machingauta Costa- 20%

Category E:Secretary General
1) Hwende Chalton- 39%
2) Molokele Daniel- 39%
3) Mwonzora Douglas- 32%

Category F: Treasurer General
1) Coltart David~ 51%
2) Mashakada Tapiwa~ 49%