14 Jan 2025 Bulawayo24 News

Bulawayo Mayor David Coltart has raised concerns over illegal gold mining activities, which he says are hindering rainwater from flowing into Mzingwane Dam and preventing the water body from aiding in addressing the city’s water challenges.

Coltart made these remarks on Sunday during his state of the city address at Nkulumane Hall in Ward 22. He expressed frustration over the low water levels in the city’s dams, despite the region experiencing significant rainfall.

“We have to sort out the water situation. We have a major problem with our dams. With all the rain that we’ve had over the past few months, our dams have only increased by 4%. Yesterday, our dams were still sitting at 28%. With all this rain, why have they only gone up by 4%?” Coltart said.

He explained that during a visit to Mzingwane Dam on Saturday, he was shocked to see that after 40 kilometers of travel, he did not spot a single stream flowing. “Illegal gold panning! They have dug up our rivers,” Coltart emphasized.

The mayor highlighted that while the city is focusing on the construction of a proposed dam from the 1990s, it is insufficient to meet the city’s growing water demands. Coltart stated that the focus is now on the construction of the Glass Block Dam.

“In December, I traveled to Morocco to meet with the African Development Bank. We had a very constructive discussion to try and raise the US$99.9 million needed to build the Glass Block Dam,” he said.

Coltart further mentioned that the city is close to finalizing the necessary agreements for the Glass Block Dam project, which he described as more cost-effective than the long-term Gwayi-Shangani Dam project.

“We are also planning to build a 32km pipeline from Glass to Ncema station. This will improve the water situation, though it will take two years to complete. We all need to be patient. Gwayi-Shangani is fine, but it’s long-term, and to build that 257km pipeline to Bulawayo needs a significant investment. Glass Block Dam will be more affordable,” Coltart added.

The mayor stressed the urgency of dealing with illegal mining activities, emphasizing their detrimental impact on the city’s water resources and the necessity of immediate intervention to ensure sustainable water management.

Published on ZimEye

A close friend of mine who is a businessman in Mozambique has sent me his assessment of the situation prevailing in Mozambique.

“Mozambique is one of the best kept secrets of Africa because of illiteracy, the language Português and its resources. Because of this there is little understanding of what is actually going on within the country.

Joaquim Chissano the former President who took over from Late President Samora Machel has spoken about the Venâncio Mondlane uprising as follows “No one since 1975 ( year of independence) has confronted us this way”.

Common talk is that Frelimo has never ever really won a free and fair election. People must remember that in 1994 Renamo under Dlakama officially managed 43% of the vote and Afonso Dlakama disputed the election until earstwhile enemy Mugabe had to intervene. It is believed that he did win the election but the seemingly less sophisticated outfit Executive he led was unappealing even to Europe and thus his cries were overlooked.

Chissano’s statement that “Since 1975 no one has confronted us like Venâncio Mondlane” ,makes the late Dlakama’s words seem prophetic. Afonso Dlakama said once on TV ,””Ad vir alguem mas Malandro Que Dlakama’ ( One leader will emerge naughtier than Dlakama).

Dlakama was succeeded by his deputy when he died , one Ussufo Momade , a Military General from the island of Mozambique. He was feared and rumoured to be ruthless. But with time and with Frelimo making moves into Renamo Momade has lost popularity and the public feel he is a sellout to Frelimo. Some unconfirmed rumours say his son married Filipe Nyusi’s daughter. In the last election Ussufo Momade’s Renamo lost badly to Frelimo which won 73%. In that election Venâncio Mondlane, who was in the Renamo party, is rumored to have won election to Mayor of Maputo. But peripheral Local authority votes from small towns like Marracuene were brought in to wipe out his lead . Everyone now says Frelimo should have let Venâncio be Mayor of Maputo because he might have not had ambitions to be National President.

Indeed Venâncio Mondlane is, as Dlakama said “naughty”. He is an ex bank worker, a qualified Evangelical Pastor and has been a member of most if not all major political parties in Mozambique. Talk of Frelimo – he has been there; he has been in Simango’s MDM , then Renamo was his penultimate party where he challenged Momade for the Party Presidency and was undemocratically and physically blocked from contesting. His supporters were beaten up at the Renamo Congress including Quelimane Mayor Araujo.

Without an alternative Venâncio approached little known PODEMOS a party that previously had not held seats in parliament. Riding on Venâncio’s popularity they won 43 seats in parliament.

Everyone I talk to in Mozambique ( And because of my business contacts and having worked here 24 years both north , south and centre my contacts base is wide ) says Venâncio Mondlane won the election. In Maputo my lady taxi driver told me “I am a Frelimo person but I voted Venâncio.” Those who voted Frelimo say ,” It’s about time Frelimo took a hiding ! We are Frelimo but don’t like how they Govern!” It is believed the Frelimo Candidate Daniel Chapo, a reasonable looking and sounding experienced administrator, who speaks both Shona and English, wanted a GNU and Frelimo said no. Chissano, Guebuza and Nyusi are said to be the agitators of stubbornness. It is said Chissano said “Náo vamos entregar!”( We won’t hand over ) saying “All of us around this table will end up in jail”. Chissano and Guebuza and one Chipande from the north ( rumored to be the first to fire a bullet against the Portuguese and related to Nyusi ) are the remnants of the struggle. They unofficially, fairly or unfairly, are suspected to be plotters against Samora Machel and their illegal practices made them want to keep Soviet style impervious secrecy . Samora Machel was against Politics mixing with business. Under Nyusi the kidnappings backed by Police ( there are cases where Europeans or Aga Khan Moslems have been kidnapped and representations have been made to Government and victims have been immediately released), drug dealings have increased. It is alleged that even Frelimo candidates for parliament are not chosen through primary elections but have to pay up to a million Meticais US$16 000)to become a candidate.

Now Podemos the party that borrowed Venâncio have been compromised by Nyusi ( familiar Zanu PF tactics ) They will be sworn in today . So Venâncio is now in conflict with Podemos .

People even believe the vandalism and looting that happened was sponsored by Frelimo to make Venâncio look bad .

But one may ask where does this wide support for Venâncio even from?

1. Frelimo supporters ?
2. ?Frelimo Executives ?
3. ?Police ?
4. ?Army ?
   People are tired of greed and corruption. Corruption is now endemic in Mozambique:
5. People who earn as little as 8000 Meticais a month are still expected to pay bribes of up to 200 000 Meticais for their children to get jobs;
6. ?Patients in hospitals don’t get attendance unless they pay 200 Meticais:
7. ?Drug dealer Indians and Mulatos ( Coloureds )in the north are the biggest contributors to Frelimo and are a law unto themselves;
8. ?Students in colleges and Universities cannot get good marks unless they pay a lecturer a bribe or agree to sex favors;
9. Even the war in the north is not believed to be genuine. No explanation is given as to what it is for !

There is suspense in the Country about what is going to happen now that Venâncio is back . He is now without a base as even his own Members of Parliament have been compromised. But he definitely has a larger base, which is the people.

Credit should go to Mozambican population for its political maturity. All the fervor about Venâncio is neither tribal no Regional. It is spontaneous and cross provincial . Credit should go to founder President Samora Machel for having made an effort to make Portuguese the local lingua Franca.

This story isnt over yet because neither Frelimo nor Podemos have the backing of the vast majority of the people.”

Published on the Brenthurst Foundation

Now that the dust has settled over the GNU and it has begun to settle on a reasonably functional governance path, South Africa is breathing a sigh of relief. Had the ANC chosen to form a ‘doomsday’ alliance with the MK Party or the EFF – or both – we would by now be experiencing the consequences including human and capital flight and the beginnings of the Russification of the country.

But this is no time for complacency. I was part of the MDC that entered the Zimbabwean Government of National Unity in February 2009. In many ways, the MDC got a better deal than the DA has cut with the ANC. The MDC’s leader, Morgan Tsvangirai was made Prime Minister, I was the Minister of Education, Sport and Culture, and Tendai Biti was given the Finance Ministry among several others.

But, despite our efforts, the MDC – actually two parties, the MDC-M and the MDC-T – came out of the GNU poorly, as Zanu-PF used the GNU and the goodwill it generated internationally to hollow out the opposition and take the wind out of its sails. When the GNU was disbanded, Zanu-PF was stronger than ever and has managed by fair means and foul to stay in power ever since.

Here are some of the key lessons from our experience inside that GNU:
1. Assimilation of Opposition
Soon after the formation of the GNU in February 2009 and the swearing-in of Ministers, it became apparent that ZANU-PF would use the trappings of power to compromise MDC Ministers. In my case, one of the first acts of the Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Education was to focus on the need for me to acquire a new Mercedez Benz vehicle. This literally became the priority over the fact that some 8 000 schools were closed and over 100 000 teachers were on strike when I took office. I resisted taking a new Mercedes Benz but nearly all other MDC Ministers succumbed and within a few months, their public persona was no different to that of the ZANU-PF ministers.  

Things went downhill from there. Several MDC Ministers themselves sought perks. For example, some Ministers insisted on being driven to the stairs of aircraft and insisted on emulating many of the practices of ZANU-PF Ministers to enhance their status. In the case of Morgan Tsvangirai, he was given a luxurious home in Harare which became the subject of considerable controversy. The use of all the trappings of power resulted in MDC Ministers being hard to distinguish from ZANU-PF Ministers by the end of the GNU in 2013.  

The stark difference between ZANU-PF leaders and MDC leaders prior to the GNU became fudged. As a result, those members of the electorate on the periphery of political parties, that is people who were not members of parties and had no real interest in parties, found very little to distinguish MDC Ministers from ZANU-PF Ministers which led to apathy in the August 2013 Election and a relatively low turnout.

2. Incompetence
In terms of the agreement that led to the GNU, Cabinet was to be chaired by President Mugabe (responsible for policy formulation), and a new body known as the Council of Ministers, chaired by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, was meant to be responsible for implementation of the policies agreed by Cabinet. The creation of the Council of Ministers, in theory, provided a significant opportunity for Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and the MDC parties to exercise power, but that opportunity was squandered. The Council of Ministers was poorly run; it rarely started on time, was often cancelled, and there was inadequate follow up on its resolutions. It stood in stark contrast to Cabinet itself which was punctual and orderly. Ministers would never miss Cabinet meetings whereas they regularly missed Council of Ministers meetings. That was partly of course created by ZANU-PF Ministers who could not be held to account but very little was done to exercise discipline. As a result, within a few months of the commencement of the GNU, it became increasingly obvious that power lay in the Cabinet and all the real decisions were taken there. As time went on, the Council of Ministers became more and more ineffective.  

3. Naivety 
Whilst the two MDC Parties did not have the support they needed from SADC and the AU to force President Mugabe to allocate more influential Ministries, the fact of the matter is that the 2 MDC Parties were allocated what were termed “non-coercive,” but important, Ministries which included the Ministry of Finance, Education, Health and Industry & Commerce.  

Most MDC Ministers spent 5 years stabilising their respective Ministries and their relevant spheres of influence while, at the same time, ZANU-PF focused on consolidating its own power. By 2013 the economy had been stabilised, there were drugs back in hospitals, teachers were back teaching, hyper-inflation had been tackled and, as a result, there was far less economic pain for people and far less reason for them to exercise a protest vote against ZANU-PF as had happened in the March 2008 Election. ZANU-PF cynically allowed this situation and allowed the Ministries controlled by the MDC to prosper without allowing the MDC any headway in seeking to influence the coercive Ministries held by ZANU-PF. 

As a result, ZANU-PF’s control over the Military, the Police, the Judiciary and the Prison Service remained unaltered. They retained all the levers of power while the MDC somewhat naively applied all its focus on service delivery to people. Not that that was wrong but, on reflection, it is obvious that the leverage provided by running service Ministries well was never exercised to effectively change the coercive structures of power.

4. Miscalculations around the Constitution
Arguably the most important facet of the GNU was the Constitutional reform process. Whilst the new Constitution, which was endorsed by a Referendum in March 2013, was a significant improvement on the Lancaster House Constitution, the deficiencies in the 2013 Constitution illustrate the naivety and lack of tactical nouse displayed by the 2 MDCs parties during the GNU.  

Relatively junior people were delegated to head the MDCs’ Constitutional teams. Senior lawyers such as Tendai Biti and Welshman Ncube had their work cut out for them in challenging Ministries and, whilst they were involved in the deadlock-breaking appeals committee, they were not in a position to fully devote their energies to the drafting of the Constitution itself.  

That situation was compounded by the fact that on some of the key debates regarding the constitution, the considerable leverage that the MDC Parties had was not exercised. For example, when it came to the key argument regarding the separation of powers, and in particular the reduction of the Executive’s powers, the 2 MDC parties made some key errors of judgment. 

As a result, the Office of the President was left with vast powers and no real movement was made towards moving from a Westminster system to, for example, a proportional representation system. There was insufficient consultation and strategic planning which went on within the 2 MDCs, something exacerbated by the fact that the 2 MDCs remained separate political parties and consequently, there was very little constructive discussion and strategic planning between the 2 parties to come up with agreed positions. Very often the MDC M Party would end up being a mediator between the MDC T and ZANU-PF parties rather than the 2 MDC parties presenting an agreed unified front to the ZANU-PF position. That situation was further exacerbated by overconfidence within the MDC T which thought that it would easily win the next election, and which did not share the MDC M’s disquiet regarding the substantial powers which were left in the hands of the Executive.

5. Little Reform to Key Institutions
Whilst the new constitution recognised key institutions such as the Judiciary and Media, and whilst the new constitution had new measures, which in theory enhanced the independence of institutions such as the Judiciary and the Media, in practical terms very little was done to reform those institutions.  

In the case of the judiciary, there was hardly any noticeable reform. The existing Judges remained. Although there were key changes to the constitution to strengthen the independence of the Judiciary, there were inadequate safeguards to protect those provisions. Furthermore, inadequate measures were taken to entrench the independence of the Judiciary. But, perhaps the most significant failure was the failure of the 2 MDC parties to effect change in the composition of the Judiciary during the 5 years of the GNU through the swearing-in of new Judges who had no obvious party affiliation. The net result was that, by the end of the GNU, there were theoretical changes to the Constitutional structure of the Judiciary but very little practical change, and even the Constitutional protections were easy to amend, as has in fact happened.  

The same applies to the media. Whilst there is one provision in the Constitution, (Section 62(4)), which tried to enforce the notion of an independent state media, there was little else in the Constitution focused on to practically allow the development of a vibrant and independent media in Zimbabwe. By the end of the GNU, there were still no independent radio or television stations and all the television and radio stations in 2013 remained either in the direct or indirect control of ZANU-PF.  

As a result of this, both the Judiciary and the Media since 2013 have remained largely within the control of ZANU-PF and the Mnangagwa Government has amended the Constitution and implemented policies which have made both institutions more partisan than they have ever been.  

The same applies to other institutions such as universities and Constitutional Commissions such as the Electoral Commission, Human Rights Commission and Anti-Corruption Commission. All of these bodies whilst recognised by the Constitution as “independent” are less independent now than their equivalent bodies were in 2008.

Lessons for the DA
Whilst the current situation in South Africa is substantially different to the conditions in Zimbabwe between 2009 and 2013, there are some lessons to be learnt as follows:

1. DA Ministers need to resist the trappings of power and should rather eschew as many of the current Cabinet benefits as possible. Much of this is a matter of public perception but a collective effort should be made towards setting a different standard for Ministers in terms of entourages, cavalcades and many of the symbols of power which irritate the general public and give the impressions that there is no difference between DA and ANC Cabinet members.
   2. I have been impressed by the apparent work ethic and output of many DA Minsters since taking office and this must be continued. The GNU is a marathon, not a sprint, and it is necessary to set out clear annual goals for the DA Ministries together with overarching goals for the life of the GNU. Then a vigorous public media campaign must be adopted, going beyond the individual Ministers themselves (some of whom are better at social media than others) to publicise and mark those goals and their achievement. The corollary to this is that the DA must not hesitate to do all in its power to remove and replace non performing Ministers.
   3.The DA needs to pay attention to areas which they do not control, particularly with regard to the safeguarding of the electoral process, the independence of the media, judiciary, civic bodies and universities. It is critical that they do all in their power to build these institutions whose independence should be enhanced during the tenure of the GNU.
   4. An increasing focus should be on SADC and its member states. Whilst foreign policy concerns beyond SADC are obviously important, the future of democracy in South Africa ultimately will depend  on whether a majority of SADC countries become democratic or not. In other words, in my view, the primary foreign policy goal should be the democratisation of region rather than international issues such as, for example,  Ukraine and Gaza . Whilst these international issues obviously remain important, my view is that the DA should focus on a strident foreign policy which will, for example, enhance free, fair, lawful and independently run elections in the region and see the restoration of the SADC Tribunal.

Published on Bulawayo24

Senator David Coltart, the Mayor of Bulawayo, held a pivotal meeting on Thursday with Nicholas Mulkey from the United State’s Atlanta Mayor’s Office of International and Immigrant Affairs. Mulkey is currently in Zimbabwe to strengthen international collaborations and strategic partnerships between cities, with a special focus on Bulawayo.

The discussions centered around several key areas aimed at fostering mutual growth and development between the two cities. One of the primary topics was the exploration of a Strategic Partnerships Program that would encourage collaboration between Atlanta, Bulawayo, and other regional capitals. The goal is to promote sustainable urban development, economic growth, and enhance city-to-city cooperation.

A significant part of the dialogue also focused on the introduction of the Global Innovation Network, which leverages Atlanta’s established startup ecosystem and its rich culture and arts scene. The network would aim to co-develop market-based solutions tailored specifically to Bulawayo’s challenges and opportunities in areas such as urban planning, infrastructure, and entrepreneurship.

Cultural exchange and tourism development also featured prominently in the discussions. The two parties explored ways to establish initiatives that would celebrate Bulawayo’s vibrant heritage while connecting it to Atlanta’s global networks. These initiatives aim to boost tourism and foster cultural diplomacy between the cities.

The talks also touched on building an economic bridge that would facilitate access for Bulawayo-based entrepreneurs and businesses to U.S. markets through Atlanta. This would open doors for trade and investment opportunities, benefiting both cities economically.

Additionally, the potential for Bulawayo’s participation in Atlanta’s Global Opportunities Week was discussed. This event offers a platform for showcasing investment and cultural exchange projects to the American market, which could provide substantial exposure for Bulawayo-based initiatives.

Finally, the meeting explored the broader concept of city-to-city collaboration. The two cities discussed sharing best practices in municipal governance, urban innovation, and sustainable development, positioning Bulawayo as a model for regional capitals.

The meeting marks a significant step in strengthening the relationship between Bulawayo and Atlanta, with the potential to bring about tangible benefits for both cities in areas ranging from economic development to cultural exchange.

Published On The Zimbabwe Mail

Bulawayo’s Mayor, Senator David Coltart, has chosen to forgo the traditional mayoral gown, calling it a “colonial relic” that no longer resonates with the identity and values of the city. 

The decision, announced at a recent civic service, signals a commitment to redefining local symbols in a way that honours Zimbabwe’s culture and history.

In his address, Mayor Coltart expressed his belief that the gown, a vestige of Zimbabwe’s colonial past, does not reflect the city’s heritage or aspirations. “This attire is part of our colonial legacy, and we need symbols that genuinely represent our people,” Coltart explained.

To replace the gown, Mayor Coltart has commissioned a new design from local women artisans in Matobo, an area renowned for its cultural craftsmanship and artistry. The new gown, he envisions, will embody elements of Zimbabwean tradition and Bulawayo’s vibrant cultural heritage, showcasing the unique artistry of the region. “By having the gown crafted by women from Matobo, we’re creating a piece that celebrates Zimbabwean identity and supports local talent,” Coltart added.

This initiative reflects a broader movement in Zimbabwe to reshape public symbols and spaces, moving away from colonial legacies towards representations that align with local culture and pride.

Local Bulawayo residents and cultural advocates have praised Coltart’s decision, noting that it speaks to a renewed sense of African identity within Zimbabwe’s civic institutions. The new gown, they say, could set a precedent for other cities across Zimbabwe and Africa to revisit their own symbols of authority and redefine them in ways that are locally meaningful.

The Matobo-based artisans tasked with the design are eager to deliver a garment that combines traditional Zimbabwean motifs and modern symbolism. The project is expected to be completed in the coming months, with the new gown making its debut at future civic ceremonies.

Coltart’s choice has sparked conversations across Bulawayo about the importance of cultural representation in civic life. His initiative is seen as an effort to foster a sense of unity and pride among residents by creating symbols that resonate with the people of Zimbabwe, bridging the past with a vision for the future.

Publishes on Bulawayo24

The Bulawayo City Council has taken decisive action to address the growing lawlessness caused by kombi operators and vendors, temporarily halting the construction of Phases 1B and 2 at the Egodini Terminus. The move is aimed at restoring order in the city, which has been plagued by reckless driving, illegal parking, and vendors occupying public spaces without authorization.

The council’s immediate focus is on enforcing by-laws to create a safer and more organised environment for residents and visitors. Despite the completion of Phase 1A of the Egodini Terminus project in February, the city centre remains congested. Vendors continue selling in undesignated areas, and kombis and pirate taxis, particularly Honda Fits, frequently flout traffic rules, exacerbating chaos in the city.

Bulawayo Mayor, Councillor David Coltart, explained that the decision to suspend further construction at Egodini was taken to send a strong message that lawlessness will no longer be tolerated. The council has enlisted the help of the Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) to enforce by-laws and address the widespread violations.

“Egodini construction is in a state of limbo pending certain issues being resolved, mainly linked to lawlessness in the city regarding both vendors and taxis. We have asked for assistance from the ZRP to address some of the issues,” said Cllr Coltart in an interview. The Mayor emphasized the need to reduce traffic congestion and improve the city’s image to create a conducive environment for businesses.

The Egodini Terminus project, undertaken by Terracotta Trading of South Africa, had plans to expand the taxi rank to accommodate the rising number of kombis in the area. However, with ongoing issues of congestion and disorder, the council is prioritising the enforcement of order before resuming construction.

In addition to these efforts, the Bulawayo City Council and the National Railways of Zimbabwe (NRZ) are exploring plans to convert part of the railway station’s parking area into a designated hub for cross-border buses. This initiative is expected to alleviate traffic congestion and reduce the number of buses picking up and dropping off passengers in unauthorized areas within the city.

The proposed hub would service key routes such as Bulawayo-Harare, Bulawayo-Masvingo, Bulawayo-Beitbridge, and Bulawayo-Victoria Falls, as well as international routes to Botswana, Namibia, Zambia, and Mozambique. Smaller sections would also be allocated for metered taxis. The railway station’s parking area, which offers amenities like toilets, running water, and waiting areas, is considered an ideal location for the terminal.

During a joint site inspection by the council and NRZ officials, it was noted that the station area also has several vacant buildings and open spaces that could be converted into informal trading zones. The total area that could be re-purposed for these uses is about 19.2 hectares.

To bolster these efforts, the council advertised nearly 300 security officer positions in July to enforce by-laws across the city. The hiring of these officers aims to crack down on offenders, some of whom have previously used political connections to avoid repercussions. With these developments, the council hopes to restore order and improve safety in Bulawayo’s city centre.

By William Vundla

Bulawayo mayor David Coltart has said they are ready to avail land to American internet company, Starlink, to construct a ground station.

Coltart posted on his X (formerly Twitter) handle, which he tagged the Starlink owner Elon Musk, revealing that Bulawayo, located in the southern part of the country, is geographically suitable for such a station.

In an interview, Coltart said his post was inspired by the ground station that was established by the American company in Nigeria, adding that a similar station in the Sadc region would improve bandwidth and internet connectivity.

“As a city, we have land to avail, but of course, it would not be a gift, but we would be glad to facilitate such services from Space X within the city,” he said.

“In terms of location, it is an excellent location with the Sadc region considering that Bulawayo is close to South Africa, Zambia, Mozambique, Botswana and Namibia.”

The original post was from high speed internet consultant and researcher Willard Shoko, who mentioned the benefits of a similar ground station within the Sadc region.

“A closer ground station in the Sadc region will significantly reduce latency and bring investment opportunities and economic development,” Coltart wrote.

Shoko, in a separate post, said Zimbabwe had a lot of unused bandwidth and that setting up a ground station in Bulawayo would make use of the underutilised international bandwidth of which we are only using 36% to download and less than 10% to upload.

“More than 90% of our internet is served in Johannesburg, where local internet service providers peer for free to content delivery networks and hyperscalers like Tiktok, WhatsApp, Meta, Netflix, YouTube, Google etc,” he said.

Published on Bulawayo24

The Bulawayo City Council (BCC) has reassured residents that there are no plans to privatise the city’s water utility, clarifying that its separation from the engineering department was meant to protect water assets. This follows concerns over the decision to establish a stand-alone water utility.

Mayor David Coltart emphasized that the utility will remain fully owned by the council, with no third-party involvement. The council’s goal is to improve water management efficiency, with a US$17 million transition budget supported by international partners.

Despite this, Ward 17 Councillor Sikhululekile Moyo revealed the project will be delayed due to the city’s ongoing water shortages. However, Coltart noted that the project has not been officially shelved, as no resolution has reversed the initial decision. The council plans further public engagement to explain the initiative.

Concerns about potential privatisation were raised by the Bulawayo Progressive Residents Association (BPRA), which feared increased water costs and threats to residents’ rights to affordable water. BPRA cited Section 77 of the Zimbabwean Constitution, which guarantees access to clean water, and referenced the city’s past water-related health crises, including a 2020 diarrhoea outbreak in Luveve.

The BCC aims to ensure that any surplus revenue from the water utility is reinvested in infrastructure, addressing historical issues where water revenue was used for general city expenses.

By Lenin Ndebele

A 35-year-old security guard in Zimbabwe, Ezekiel Chiradza, was arrested on Monday on allegations that he insulted President Emmerson Mnangagwa and undermined the Zimbabwe Gold (ZWG) currency launched in April.

Chiridza’s arrest came after filming a video he later shared on a WhatsApp group accusing the president of mismanaging the economy.

“There is no respite in targeting citizens for perceived dissent,” Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights said in a statement.

When it was launched, the ZWG was said to be backed by the country’s gold reserves and other minerals such as diamonds. 

The currency has been sliding in value on the black market and faces public resistance despite the government unleashing police and the intelligence services on people rejecting the new money.

Vice-president Constantino Chiwenga said the government will continue to protect the currency.

“Our government introduced the Zimbabwe Gold as our new sovereign currency. It is our responsibility as a nation to embrace and protect the new currency as a bedrock and anchor of our economic development.

“Let me assure you that the government is working to promote the wider use of our local currency and is putting in place measures that will eliminate gaps that are creating arbitrage opportunities in the exchange market,” he said, addressing mourners at the burial of retired brigadier Shadreck Ndabambi at the National Heroes Acre on Wednesday.

The official rate on Thursday was pegged at US$1 to ZWG13.8 – while on the black market it traded at around twice as much to the US dollar.

Retailers are forced to take payments in ZWG while some of their suppliers demand US dollars or South African rand.

It’s even worse for importers, without adequate foreign currency provision from the government.

Those who continue to take the ZWG have resorted to what is called “forward pricing” whereby they sell their products at black market rates.

This gives them leverage to buy forex on the black market at a premium.

A chain of stores owned by Raj Modi, Zimbabwe’s deputy minister of industry and commerce, is one of those doing so in Bulawayo.

For example, Mazoe orange juice, a product that sells for $5 or R100 in the local currency, costs ZWG114.5 at the minister’s shops. 

That implies a rate of ZWG22.9 to the dollar – last week’s black market rate.

Modi did not respond to questions from News24. 

Some retailers and pharmacies switch off their point-of-sale machines, forcing customers to use foreign currency.

In some shops there are goods such as cooking oil that can only be purchased in forex, because they are critical imports.

Bigger retailers such as South African-owned Pick n Pay are closely monitored and stick to the official rate.

Pick n Pay’s Zimbabwean partner Meikles Limited, in its financial statements released in January for the last quarter of 2023, said the depreciation of the local currency was behind its poor performance.

The disparity in official and black market rates has seen new forms of entrepreneurship pop up. Bread is price controlled and sells for ZWG15 when available in that currency, but goes for $1 or R20 in other currencies. Traders cash out the difference by buying bread in Zimbabwe Gold and reselling it in those currencies.

“It’s an easy way to earn foreign currency and you have a bigger profit margin than the bread bakers themselves,” said street vendor Tinashe Moyo.

Some traders will now offer an effective discount of 20%, he said.

He added: “Even if I remove 20 cents from a dollar, I am well within a good profit and we strictly take forex. So one ends up buying two or three loaves to reach a round figure because change is a problem”.

The ZWG is mostly in electronic form despite physical notes and coins in circulation; you can only withdraw ZWG3 000 ($215 at the official rate) per week. 

James Ncube (55) took early retirement from government employment as a teacher in January after 20 years on the job.

He had 10 more years to work before reaching 65 years of retirement age.

His pension was paid in the ZWG in May this year and he bought forex on the black market to lock in the value.

“The money has lost almost half of what it was worth when I was paid. If I had not bought foreign currency as a store of value, I would have been left with nothing,” he said.

Ncube said most of his family’s daily needs were paid for in foreign currency, so keeping ZWG is not a smart move.

When the government introduced ZWG, there were promises that by now one would be able to buy fuel or gas using it. That’s yet to happen.

The currency is not recognised outside Zimbabwe.

“The only things I pay for in ZWG are rates and electricity. Everything else is either in black market prices or hard currency,” Ncube said.

Bulawayo mayor David Coltart in a post on X said the government fixed ZWG rates were disadvantaging service delivery and the business community at large.