Women’s wheelchair team confident

Southern Eye

By Vitalis Moyo

7 August 2013

ZIMBABWE women’s wheelchair basketball coach Walter Ndlovu is confident his charges will do well in the World Cup qualifiers which commence in Johannesburg, South Africa, tomorrow.

This is the first time that the national women’s team will be competing outside the country and at that level of competition.

The Zimbabwean women will be up against the hosts South Africa, Nigeria, Angola, Cameroon and Morocco in the competition in which they head into ranked in position last.

They will be making a maiden appearance.

“We are ready to compete in the championship qualifiers in South Africa as our preparation went well.

“We played a game against the Under-23 side which I used to assess the players and I must say that I am confident that the ladies will put up a good performance in the competition,” Ndlovu said.

A contingent of 12 players and five officials were set to leave the country for South Africa late yesterday afternoon.

“Our aim going into the games is to improve our ranking since we are currently in position last as we are yet to play a single game at that level.

“We are also using the tournament to allow the ladies to gain exposure and this will help put the women’s team in the limelight,” the veteran coach said.

Some of the players expected to shine in the competition include captain Deliwe Moyo of Qhubeka, Gladys Chiweta of Richwood Basketball Club in Harare, Thandiwe Ndlovu, Gladys Chimveka
and Zvishavane-based  Morlene Muza.

Players from Bulawayo side Qhubeka Basketball and Harare’s Richwood clubs’ players dominate the national team with five players coming from Bulawayo and four from the capital.

Ndlovu said although the sport had taken significant steps in growing  and getting recognition, they still lacked support from the members of the public.

“Most of our sponsorship came from the government and the corporate world.

“We have had individuals like Tshinga Dube and the outgoing Education, Sport, Arts and Culture minister David Coltart coming in to assist us. Members of the public have not actively participated in supporting or assisting us,” Ndlovu said.

The Zimbabwe senior men wheelchair basketball team is ranked fourth in Africa while the junior men’s team is the third best team on the continent.

Team
Ratidzo Tomu, Irene Moyo, Deliwe Moyo, Margaret Shate, Silindeni Murengi (Qhubeka), Juliet Matamire (Shining Stars), Gladys Chimveka, Gladys Chimveka Medeline Choto, Magret Bandambajena, Thandiwe Ndlovu, Constance Ncube (Richwood), Morlen Muza (Zvishavane)

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After Mugabe: the infighting begins now

Daily Maverick

By Simon Allison

6 August 2013

With the presidency in the bag and parliament in their pocket, Zanu-PF can relax in the certainty that they will dictate Zimbabwe’s foreseeable future. But who will dictate to Zanu-PF? Botox or no Botox, Robert Mugabe’s not getting any younger, and the circling sharks can smell the blood in the water.

Forget the MDC. Forget Morgan Tsvangirai. Forget Welshman Ncube, and Tendai Biti, and David Coltart. Their game is played – and they lost. Yes, they played bravely; but the playing field was hopelessly tilted against them; and the referees were playing for the other team. There’s no disputing this, unless you are a Zanu-PF spokesman or an African Union election monitor. We know the best team did not win, but that’s no longer the point. Zimbabwe is playing a different game now and unless the MDC have something dramatic up their sleeves, they’ll be spectators rather than participants as the real fight for Zimbabwe’s future gets underway. (And it doesn’t seem that the MDC have anything up their sleeves at all. As Tsvangirai frankly admitted on the weekend, “there’s no strategy for the leadership of the MDC”.)

The new game in town is, of course, the battle to succeed comrade-in-chief Robert Gabriel Mugabe, who, in case you have forgotten, is 89-years-old. That’s old, and his top lieutenants – the men and women of Zanu-PF who have been by his side for the past three decades, patiently waiting for their turn at the top job – know it.

Not that Mugabe seems in any danger of following in the footsteps of Levy Mwanawasa, Bingu wa Mutharika, Meles Zenawi, Umaru Yar Adua, John Atta Mills, etc., all leaders who have made dying in office somewhat fashionable among African heads of state in recent years. The rumours of Mugabe’s ill health have dogged him for ages, yet every report of a mysterious trip to a hospital in Singapore is confounded by another sprightly public appearance from the man himself. Sure, he’s getting a bit doddery, and he’s not as energetic as he used to be, but then few octogenarians are.

Nor has Mugabe given any public indication that he plans to abdicate his de facto throne. Asked on the eve of last week’s polls if he intended to serve out his full five-year term the president responded: “Why not? Why should I offer myself as a candidate when I know I won’t finish my term?”

Emmerson Mnangagwa and Joice Mujuru can probably think of a few reasons. Although the inner working of Zanu-PF are famously opaque, these two are widely considered to be the main contenders to succeed Mugabe, if and when he does step aside.

Mujuru is the vice-president, Mugabe’s running mate in these polls and without doubt the most powerful woman in Zimbabwe. She is a liberation struggle veteran in her own right – under the nom de guerre Spill Blood she claims to have shot down a Rhodesian helicopter with a machine gun. She holds extensive business interests and plenty of political capital. She has also inherited the legacy of her husband, Solomon Mujuru, who died in 2011 in a suspicious fire at his farm (or at least, the one he appropriated from a white farmer). Solomon was the head of the guerilla forces in the bush war and was rumoured to be one of the few men willing and able to challenge Mugabe within the party.

Mnangagwa, meanwhile, was Mugabe’s long-time spy chief before becoming Minister of Defence. He was, allegedly, the mastermind behind the Gukurahundi massacres in the 1980s, which wiped out thousands of supporters of Mugabe rival Joshua Nkomo as well as their villages. As he told a rally at the time: “The campaign against dissidents can only succeed if the infrastructure that nurtures them is destroyed.” He’s known as the Crocodile, and one local NGO claims that he’s the only person that inspires more terror than Mugabe himself.

Together, as Mugabe’s right and left hands, they are a classic good cop/bad cop combination (or at the very least bad cop/terrible cop). Mujuru’s faction of the party has a reputation for being relatively moderate, reform even, and willing to go through the motions of respecting the constitution and democratic process. Mnangagwa, meanwhile, is the iron fist with tight control of the security forces and a demonstrated willingness to use intimidation and violence to achieve his ends. Both are implicated in dubious business interests, with Mnangagwa said to be heavily involved in the illicit Marange diamond trade.

In the run-up to this year’s elections both were vital in mobilizing support for Mugabe, although they stayed true to their roles. According to the Zimbabwe Independent, Mujuru was crucial in organizing the rallies and campaign stops which helped mobilise the vote and give some credence to the result, while Mnangagwa was the point-man with the shady Israeli firm that has been accused of manipulating the voters roll and final results in Mugabe’s favour. (The firm, Nikuv, denies these accusations.)

The question now is which of them will make a move – and when. For both, it made sense to keep Mugabe at the helm for these elections. The cult of personality he has developed over the last three decades remains a potent force and is still Zanu-PF’s most important electoral weapon. Without Mugabe, it’s doubtful whether the party would have been able to secure the vote, rigging or no rigging. Certainly they would have struggled to attain that magical two-thirds majority in parliament, which gives it effective carte blanche in government. For Mugabe, and whoever succeeds him, this is near-absolute power.

That one of them will make a move, or that Mugabe will anoint someone seems likely, despite what Mugabe may say about staying the term. It’s not just his age; another clue is the clause in the new constitution that states the ruling party can appoint the president in the event of the sitting president’s death or retirement. This, surely, was included to make sure that Mugabe’s successor in the party is his successor in the Presidency too and Zanu-PF’s vigorous determination to have it included a sign that a change could be imminent.

But both of Mugabe’s likely successors should be wary of what happens to parties and countries after the departure of the only leader they have ever known, especially when that leader has maintained such a personal grip on power. More often than not the result is collapse, which could be disastrous not only for the presidential ambitions of Mujuru and Mnangagwa but also for the country as a whole. Zimbabwe need only look north to Egypt and Libya for current examples of what happens in the power vacuum created by the sudden departure of a president-for-life.

Managed poorly, the succession battle could destabilize Zimbabwe more thoroughly than anything the MDC could dream up. Managed well, it could condemn the country to yet another long stretch of Zanu-PF misrule. These are bleak, dangerous times in which the business of government will once again take a backseat to the furthering of personal ambition.

Either way, the sooner the change happens, the better. This is true for the pretenders to the throne, who will want to start securing their position as soon as possible. But it’s also true for Zimbabwe’s democratic opposition. The opposition has shown, repeatedly, that they can’t beat Mugabe. Maybe, just maybe, they’ll have a better chance against his successor.

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Interview on the Zimbabwe Election with David Coltart

Africa Policy Journal

By Mpumelelo Nxumalo

6 August 2013

After presiding over economic decline marked by hyperinflation which brought Zimbabwe to its knees, president Mugabe and his Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) party have emerged as victors in the recent harmonized elections in Zimbabwe. Mugabe got 61% of the vote and his ZANU-PF party won 158 of the 210 parliament seats, giving it a two-thirds majority in the legislature. In order to understand what this means for Zimbabwe’s future, the Harvard Africa Policy Journal has obtained an exclusive telephone interview with the outgoing member of parliament of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) from Bulawayo, Mr. David Coltart.

David Coltart, an MDC Senator, has been a human rights lawyer in Zimbabwe since 1983. He was first elected to represent the Bulawayo South House of Assembly constituency in June 2000, and was re-elected in March 2005. In March 2008 he was elected as a Senator to represent the Khumalo Senatorial constituency in Bulawayo. Senator Coltart was sworn in as Minister of Education, Sport, Arts and Culture in February 2009. He lost his seat in the recent election and has conceded defeat to Thabitha Khumalo of the MDC-T, and will not be seeking a recount despite a narrow margin. We discuss the Zimbabwean election and more below.

HAPJ: What is your opinion of the way the elections were conducted first in your constituency in Bulawayo and overall? 

DC: Whilst the election is one of the most peaceful, we have been subjected to electoral fraud on an unprecedented scale. I have seen it in my own constituency but I have also seen evidence of that countrywide, and to that extent it has thrown the country into a state of extreme crisis.

HAPJ: Please describe these incidences of electoral fraud and any breach of electoral law? Have you brought these concerns before the African Union (AU) and Southern African Development Community (SADC) observer missions, and what has been their response?

DC: Well, even prior to the election on Tuesday (July 30th) I met with the head of the SADC mission here in Bulawayo, and presented a letter detailing six fundamental breaches of the electoral law. Since then there have been a variety of breaches of the electoral law and the constitution. There are six breaches I have identified (which took place prior to the election).

Firstly the initial proclamation of the election itself was illegal in that president Mugabe did not consult the cabinet in setting the date of the election. Secondly, the laws used to run the election using the Presidential Powers Act were in breach of section 157 of the constitution. Thirdly, the voter registration exercise was not done in compliance with the constitution. Fourthly, the section relating to state-owned media communication was regularly breached as there was failure to provide a fair opportunity for the presentation of divergent views and opinions in the run up to the election. Fifth, there was a biased application of section 152 of the Electoral Act (the provision which deals with election materials). The opposition MDC people were arrested for taking down posters of the ZANU PF despite lack of evidence. In contrast, ZANU-PF went on a wholesale campaign of tearing down campaign material sometimes in full view of the police but they were not arrested. The sixth issue is probably the most serious and absolutely critical was the breach of section 21:6/7 of the Electoral Act by the Zimbabwe Election Commission – the provision that obliges the Electoral Commission to supply each candidate one electronic copy of the constituency voters roll. This was a key element of this election that was never complied with. We are four days after the election and I still have not seen the said copy.

All the above happened prior to the election. On Election Day (July 31st) it became apparent that the absence of an elections voters roll was exploited. I saw hoards of shaven-head young men in my constituency, and we did not understand the full impact of what they were doing until the evening (See this video of Minister Biti facing what appears to be similar problems in his constituency on election day). There were seven polling stations that were located within a 2 kilometer radius of Brady Barracks, and when the results came out, they bore no relation to historical trends in that area. ZANU PF in those particular polling stations got ten times more votes than I did, which was completely disproportionate to what happened in other areas. The next thing is that hundreds of people were turned away in my constituency on allegedly not being on the voters’ roll. These were people that have voted before. There is a further provision of the Electoral Act that says that during the count, police are not permitted to be present. Yet in every single polling station police were present.

You see it is not just one issue; there are multiple reasons why this election was illegal and violated the constitution.

HAPJ: The two leading African observer groups –the AU, headed by Nigerian president Olusegun Obasanjo and the SADC– have said the elections were free and fair. What recourse does this leave the MDC and MDC-T going forward?

DC: The AU has a completely different attitude to SADC and it is not surprising that (the Zimbabwean election) has been given a clean bill of health by them. They were focused almost exclusively on whether or not the elections were violence-free. They did not focus much of the legality of it. So to that extent, their coverage is not surprising. SADC has not given a completely clean bill of health, and does not want to jump to any conclusion. They have not said to their knowledge that they found it fair. But ultimately, you asked what our options were. We have limited options, because we have seen how the courts have ruled (on matters like this) in recent times…But I think, ultimately, it is going to come down to economics, i.e. how they (ZANU-PF) are going to govern the country with such low confidence. There is a mood of depression right across this country. One would think that having won a landslide victory with 61% of the vote there would be a joyous mood in this country. It is just the opposite; there is a mood of extreme depression across the country.

HAPJ: What can ordinary Zimbabweans do? Has there been any civilian action?

 DC: I’m not sure there is any civilian action that can be taken. Tragically, now they (the ZANU-PF) are going to have to govern…We will be interested to see how they will do it.

HAPJ: The MDC-T leader Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai has warned that this election will plunge Zimbabwe into crisis. Do you agree with this sentiment?

DC: I think Zimbabweans are in an extreme state of crisis. I know as Minister of Education how little money there was to run the education sector, and I don’t see anything changing in the short term. The only option is if those ZANU-PF officials who have been so corrupt stop being corrupt and channel more of the diamond resource revenues towards the education and health sectors. But I think that is unlikely.

HAPJ: Going back to the race in your constituency. You have already conceded despite what some have called a narrow victory for Thabitha Khumalo (MDC-T). Please explain your decision not to seek a recount?

DC: Given the narrowest of victories like this one can seek a recount. I had a very good team of polling agents including chartered accountants and people of that caliber. So I am pretty confident that they counted correctly. Also, my battle has never been against MDC-T. I was a founding member of the MDC-T. Had it been a ZANU-PF candidate, I probably would have sought a recount, and quite frankly in parliament it is not going to make too much of a difference whether I am there or Thabitha Khumalo is. I don’t think it is worth going to the extent of a recount. But I think there is a minimal chance of the figures changing and had I less confidence in my polling agents then I would have sought a recount.

HAPJ: We have spoken about what you see in the future for Zimbabwe. What about you? Do you plan on staying in politics in Zimbabwe after this?

DC: I have been involved in politics all my life, and God-willing, I don’t see this as the end of the political road for me. It is a time to regroup. I have been at this battle for thirty years against this regime and thirteen years in parliament. Over the next few weeks I will consider my options, whether I go back to law. But, generally I think that we need to regroup, not just myself. There is no doubt that the failure of the two MDC factions to reach a coalition agreement – although it would not have won the election – certainly handed a variety of seats over to ZANU-PF on a platter. We need to regroup and I will devote more of my energy to try to strike common ground with democrats in this country.

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Good and Evil in Zimbabwe

First Things

By Luke Foster

5 August 2013

Millions went to the polls last Wednesday in the small Southern African nation of Zimbabwe in a general election that pits the incumbent, Robert Mugabe, against a divided opposition. Mugabe has held power since 1980, and, at 89, he shows no signs of yielding it. As David Coltart, member of the opposition and Minister of Education, Sport, and Culture, urged his supporters last Tuesday night:

Good people of Zimbabwe—get to bed early this evening. Then, early tomorrow, get up and go, every last one of you, to do your bit to end tyranny. We all have a role to play—even if you are not registered and unable to vote encourage those who can vote, to go and vote—and if you can help them get to the polls, do so.

There is much concern about Zanu PF plans to rig but the best way to overcome that is to get every last person to vote. The more legitimate ballots in the boxes the more they have to stuff and the harder it is for them!

God bless Zimbabwe.

“Ending tyranny” is no hyperbole in Zimbabwe’s case. The British colony of Southern Rhodesia until 1965, Zimbabwe vividly remembers the oppressive years of white-minority rule from 1965 to 1980. Ian Smith led the 5 percent of the population who had settled in the colony from Britain in attempting to perpetuate their own power by ignoring the Commonwealth procedures for democratic transfer to majority rule. Mugabe waged a brutal guerilla war of reprisals and counter-reprisals in which civilians, black and white, sustained most of the casualties. He successfully undermined the Rhodesian government and nominally achieved the creation of a liberal, democratic Zimbabwe after a 1980 peace deal brokered by Margaret Thatcher’s British government. His actions neatly fit a post-colonial narrative of national liberation. Acclaim poured in for the hero of Zimbabwean freedom: Queen Elizabeth II knighted Mugabe, the University of Massachusetts gave him an honorary law degree, and capital cities throughout Southern Africa renamed prominent avenues after him.

But the tribalism, racism, and authoritarianism that have been so characteristic of President Mugabe in recent years were apparent from the beginning. Mugabe and his base of support are members of the majority Shona ethnic group in the north and east of Zimbabwe. From 1982 to 1987, Mugabe’s elite 5th Brigade (honed in brutality in North Korea) conducted terror killings of 20,000 ethnic Ndebele in the west to solidify power and discourage dissent.

From then until the late 1990s, Zimbabwe was relatively tranquil. Commercial farming—a sector dominated by white settlers—flourished, earning Zimbabwe the nickname, “The Breadbasket of Southern Africa.” Rumor has it that the First Lady in those years, Sally Hayfron, had a moderating influence on Mugabe. I remember very fondly my visits to Harare and Mutare, Zimbabwe’s major cities, during that period. The prosperity and opportunity to be found across the border contrasted favorably with the destitution of my home Mozambique.

But peace and order are always fragile. In 1998, Mugabe ordered thousands of his troops to the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Ostensibly an intervention on the side of a government under attack by rebel groups, the foreign adventure served to secure mineral wealth to senior officials in Mugabe’s government while emptying Zimbabwe’s coffers.

In 2000, mounting criticism by the new Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party left Mugabe increasingly embattled. “Land reform” proved a welcome distraction, as the president and his allies increasingly drew on a sense of grievance from Zimbabwe’s colonial past to create a siege mentality. Disagreeing with the president was labeled Western-backed subversion, and former guerilla soldiers began to forcibly evict white farmers from their land. This alienated international financial institutions and drove away foreign investment, sparking hyperinflation that rendered the Zimbabwe dollar worth less than the paper it was printed on. Stringent laws requiring “indigenization” of all companies operating in Zimbabwe further alienated Western investors, leading Mugabe to align himself with China, exchanging mining concessions for infrastructure and weaponry. Millions of Zimbabweans—up to a quarter of the country’s population, and many of the most skilled and educated—left the country in despair, often seeking to rebuild their lives in neighboring countries or the United Kingdom.

President Mugabe has managed to hang on to power despite his fierce unpopularity (especially in urban areas and among the Ndebele). Mass fraud marred the 2002 general elections. And Mugabe’s men have stooped to dirtier and more direct tactics since: infiltrating the opposition MDC to split it in 2005, beating up presidential candidate Morgan Tsvangirai and then defending the deed as “deserved” in 2007, and beating hundreds of MDC supporters—and killing many—during the 2008 election cycle.

Since then, the country has seen some signs of hope: a power-sharing deal that has given the MDC some chance to govern, an inflation reduction accomplished by adopting the U.S. dollar, and a new constitution that limits presidential powers. Yet the build-up to these elections has been marked by harassment, intimidation, and tampering with the voting roll. This cycle, hundreds of thousands of eligible voters were reportedly denied registration while names of long-deceased people were added instead.

The official results from yesterday’s election will be released on August 5th, but the MDC, including David Coltart, has alleged fraud. Mugabe’s ruling ZANU-PF party is claiming a two-thrids majority in Parliament. Foreign observers have remained noncommittal, and investors are nervous, jeopardizing the recent fragile economic growth.

Stories like Zimbabwe’s are saturated with extraordinary evil and despair. But it would wrong to miss the myriad glimpses of hope and redemption that God’s people bear witness to: the courageous work of Pius Ncube, Archbishop of Bulawayo, in spending thirty years prophesying against Mugabe’s deeds (Mugabe himself was educated by Jesuits and once claimed to be a devout Catholic); the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace’s careful documentation of abuses of power; the faithful worship and practice of the Union Baptist Church; and the compassionate outreach of Celebration Ministries International. The faithful work of Minister Coltart to achieve improvements in Zimbabwe’s education system has been a perennial sign of hope for racial reconciliation in a scarred nation. But now Coltart has reportedly been unseated.

One hundred and sixteen years ago, Enoch Santonga, educated by Methodist missionaries, wrote a great hymn,  praying that the incarnate Creator might bless his continent. Now part of the national anthem of South Africa, his isiXhosa lyrics are particularly apt for Zimbabwe’s travails:

 

Nkosi, sikelel’ iAfrika
Malupakam’ upondo lwayo;
Yiva imitandazo yetu.
Lord, bless Africa
May her horn rise high up;
Hear Thou our prayers and bless us.

Chorus
Yihla Moya, yihla Moya
Yihla Moya Oyingcwele
Descend O Spirit
Descend, O Holy Spirit

Nkosi Sikelel, Afrika;
Cima bonk’ ubugwenza bayo
Neziggito, Nezono zayo
Uwazikelele.
Lord, bless Africa
Blot out all its wickedness
And its transgressions and sins,
And bless us.

 

Luke Foster is a summer intern at First Things.

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Mugabe in big win

Southern Eye

By Nduduzo Tshuma

4 August 2013

ZANU PF leader President Robert Mugabe was yesterday declared winner of last Wednesday’s presidential election, garnering a massive 61% of the more than three million votes cast.

If the 89-year-old Mugabe serves his full term, he will be 94 and would have led Zimbabwe for a continuos period of 38 years.

Announcing the results, Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) chairperson Justice Rita Makarau said Mugabe had polled 2 110 434 translating to 61,09% of the total votes, with MDC-T leader Morgan Tsvangirai garnering 1 172 349 votes, translating to 33,94% of the total votes cast.

MDC leader Welshman Ncube polled 92 637 votes (2,68% of the total votes) while Zapu president Dumiso Dabengwa received 25 416 translating to 0,74% of the votes.

Kissinoti Mukwazhe of the Zimbabwe Democratic Party, who pulled out of the race, still managed to get 0,29% of the total vote, polling 9 931 votes.

Makarau said 3 480 047 had taken part in the national elections.

In 2008, Mugabe polled 1 079 730 meaning that he gained 1 030 704 more voters in this year’s elections.

Tsvangirai’s tally reflected that the MDC-T leader’s popularity had fallen slightly compared to the last poll, as in 2008 he had 23 213 votes more than what he received in this year’s elections.

Makarau paid tribute to the African Union (AU) and Sadc observers for their presence in the country to observe the polls.

She also praised ZEC staff for their “hard work” in ensuring that the elections went on smoothly.

Addressing journalists at the State House in Harare, a day before the elections, Mugabe expressed confidence his party would score a landslide victory.

However, Tsvangirai has dismissed the election as a farce citing irregularities in the polls ranging from the failure by ZEC to provide him and other political parties with electronic copies of the voters’ roll on time and pointing to the alarming number of assisted voters.

Similar sentiments were raised by MDC secretary for legal affairs, David Coltart, who said the electoral process was fraught with irregularities.

Zapu, two weeks ago, submitted complaints to the AU over numerous discrepancies in the voters’ roll, claiming there were more than 21 000 names of people who are more than 100 years old and over 100 duplicated names.

The party said gender for five people could not be established.

The cries of election fraud have so far fallen on deaf ears, with South African President Jacob Zuma challenging Tsvangirai to produce evidence.

Zuma said his country was more worried about violence possibly rocking the elections and was happy that the polls had been peaceful.

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Heath Streak consultancy, sports development initiative launched

Southern Eye

By Vitalis Moyo 

4 August 2013

THE much-anticipated Heath Streak consultancy and sports development initiative was officially launched on Thursday evening at a local hotel.

The hallmark sporting ceremony in the City of Kings was graced by former Zimbabwe national team players like renowned cricket commentator Mpumelelo “Pommie” Mbangwa, Grant Flower, the current national team batting coach, as well as Wayne James, who made appearances for Zimbabwe in the late 1980s and early 1990s as a stylish batsman and excellent fielder, as well as Dirk Viljoen, among others.

Addressing delegates at the gala fundraising dinner, Streak said he was overwhelmed by the support he had received from the corporate world.

“I am honoured and overwhelmed by the amount of support that this initiative has received from Rajesh Modi and the corporate world. I am proud to be able to share the knowledge I have gained in the past 20 years as a player and a coach with the young cricket players. It is important that we as Zimbabweans give our children an opportunity to dream big and I believe that this initiative will improve the quality of life of these children,” Streak said.

Guest of honour outgoing Education, Sport, Arts and Culture minister David Coltart hailed Streak for setting up the initiative saying it would play a key role in restoring Zimbabwe cricket back to being one of the producers of the best players in the world.

“Heath Streak’s initiative steps in where the government and Zimbabwe Cricket have failed, that is in developing the sport of cricket. This initiative will play a major role in restoring cricket in Zimbabwe to the heights we have seen before. I will also commend Rajesh Modi and other corporates for supporting the initiative and I hope you will continue to support it,” Coltart said.

Modi, the major sponsor of the initiative through his retail company. Bellevue Spar, bemoaned the lack of social responsibility by corporates in the country.

“It is the responsibility of the corporate to give back to the community what they have gained. If they chose to sponsor at least five children at $1 000 each, I believe that the country could produce more Heath Streaks in the years to come,” Modi said.

Joseph Rego who has been Streak’s agent for the past 14 years and is the chief executive officer of the Heath Streak Consultancy, said he was determined to sustain the initiative and draw more support for it.

Other dignitaries present to witness the launch of this ground breaking initiative included members of the Sports and Recreation Commission, members of different sporting boards, Zimbabwe and India national cricket team players as well as various representatives from the corporate world.

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Coltart cries foul

Southern Eye

By Southern Eye Reporter

2 August 2013

MDC Bulawayo East national assembly aspirant David Coltart yesterday conceded defeat to incumbent Thabitha Khumalo of the MDC-T, although he cited irregularities in the election process.

Coltart said he lost to Khumalo by a close margin and said the election was fraught with irregularities.

“I confirm that it appears I have lost the Bulawayo East Constituency to MDC-T’s Thabitha Khumalo, although the final official result has not been announced,” he said.

“While I obviously congratulate her and wish her well and stress that my comments are not directed against her, the entire election was fraught with serious irregularities.”

Coltart said before Wednesday’s election, he handed a letter to the head of the Sadc observer mission in Bulawayo detailing six breaches of the Electoral Law and the Constitution.

“In my view the entire election is illegal. For example, I still have not received a copy of the electronic voters’ roll, which I was entitled to and which was a key mechanism to counter rigging,” he said.

The outgoing Education minister said he became increasingly suspicious of what was going on in the seven polling stations located by the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC), within a 2km radius of the army’s Brady Barracks.

“Suffice to say that the election was lost in those seven out of 40 polling stations in the constituency with results coming out of those polling stations, which bear little relation to voting patterns in them and the areas they cover in the last decade,” he said.

Coltart said it had been impossible for him to analyse voters who were resident in “these areas of concern because I do not have the voters’ roll”. He said reports that Zanu PF had dominated in Manicaland, Masvingo and Matabeleland South were a clear that the entire election was fraudulent and puts his loss into context.

“I could not understand how (President) Robert Mugabe could be so confident in his Press conference on Tuesday when his main opponent (Prime Minister) Morgan Tsvangirai had, the day before, held one of the biggest political rallies ever in his backyard,” Coltart continued.

“I was astounded to read in The Herald yesterday that Zanu PF was looking at obtaining a two thirds majority in Parliament, which defied all reasonable projections,” he said.

“It is now clear why there was this confidence. Zimbabwe has been subjected to electoral fraud on a massive scale.”

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Poll results cause outrage

Southern Eye

By Nduduzo Tshuma

2 August 2013

THERE was outrage yesterday when indications showed that Zanu PF had won in most parts of the country in Wednesday’s election.

MDC-T leader Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai declared the election null and void.

Tsvangirai dismissed the election as a huge farce, saying he would not accept the results which Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) was yet to announce.

“It’s a sham election that does not reflect the will of the people,” he said, pointing out to a number of what he alleged were irregularities.

“In our view this election is null and void. This election has been a huge farce.”

The fuming MDC-T leader said the manner in which the poll had been conducted was likely to plunge the country into chaos.

“The shoddy manner in which it has been conducted and the consequent illegitimacy of the result will plunge this country into a serious crisis,” he said.

Tsvangirai’s allegations are to be dismissed by President Robert Mugabe’s Zanu PF party, which has in the past brushed off the MDC-T leader as a cry baby.

At his Press conference at Harvest House, Tsvangirai said the election had been marred by administrative and legal violations, which affected its legitimacy.

He said the election did not meet Sadc, African Union (AU) and international standards for a credible, legitimate, free and fair election.

“I have met with the chair of the AU observer mission, former Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo, head of the Sadc observer mission, minister Bernard Mmembe and I have given a diplomatic briefing,” Tsvangirai said.

“The message we have given is that this is not a credible election. It does not reflect the will of the people of Zimbabwe.”

The MDC-T leader said thousands failed to register and were disenfranchised. While also lamenting that the voters’ roll was not released timeously as required by law and there was no proper inspection of the electoral register to verify its authenticity.

“In our view, the outcome of this election is illegitimate,” he said.

“We, therefore, call for Sadc and the AU audit teams to look into this process, in particular the voters’ roll, the ballots and the manner in which the whole process was conducted.”

Some of the reasons noted by Tsvangirai in dismissing Wednesday’s election included duplication of names on the voters’ roll.

The MDC-T leader bemoaned what he called militarisation of the electoral process saying it was, “under the effective control of security personnel”.

Tsvangirai said there was lack of transparency in the supply of ballots, as well as over-printing of ballots by more than 35% and lack of accountability for ballots.

He said there was lack of transparency and double-voting in the special vote and use of the postal voting system.

However, MDC treasurer Paul Themba Nyathi was reportedly critical of Tsvangirai’s stance, describing it as toao hasty.

“I think Tsvangirai has spoken too soon, he needs a quiet corner to reflect and I think the right course is to concede and move on,” he told Newzimbabwe.com.

Meanwhile, the party’s secretary-general told SABC that the election represented, “the mother of all rigging”.

“(It is) the mother of all shenanigans, to begin with the voters roll was shambolic, it excluded two million Zimbabweans, in Harare alone it excluded 300 000 people,” he said.

“There were people in that voters’ roll whose names appeared four times with different identity documents and even as we voted yesterday (Wednesday) political parties especially the opposition did not have copies of the voters roll.”

Tendai Biti alleged that there were cases of intimidation in Mashonaland provinces, were voters were asked to pretend that they were illiterate so that they could be assisted to vote by officials.

“We saw situations in places like Mt Pleasant (Harare) of thousands of people being bussed from rural areas and other places to vote in certain marked constituencies,” he said.

“This has been a very tragic election, in which once again the people of Zimbabwe have had their vote stolen and regrettably this will plunge our country into further crisis.

“It has been a case of one step forwards and two backwards.”

The outgoing Finance minister said the rigging of elections was self-evident and expressed hope that the Sadc and AU observers will mention it in their final reports.

MDC legal affairs secretary David Coltart and Zapu leader Dumiso Dabengwa have also complained about the state of the voters’ roll.

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Coltart concedes defeat

News Day

By News Day Reporter

2 August 2013

EDUCATION minister David Coltart yesterday conceded defeat in the battle for the Bulawayo East constituency House of Assembly seat, but cited irregularities in the entire harmonised elections that took place on Wednesday.

Coltart, who lost to MDC-T candidate Thabitha Khumalo by 19 votes, congratulated her, but pointed out that the whole poll was “suspicious”.

He did not disclose the votes Khumalo polled against him.

“Whilst I obviously congratulate her and wish her well and stress that my comments are not directed against her, the entire election was fraught with serious irregularities,” Coltart said. “In my view, the entire election is illegal — for example, I have still not received a copy of the electronic voters’ roll which I was entitled to and which was a key mechanism to counter rigging.”

Coltart said on the eve of the election, he had written a letter to the head of the Sadc observer team in Bulawayo detailing six serious breaches of the electoral law and Constitution.

“On Wednesday, I became increasingly suspicious of what was going on in the seven polling stations which had been sited by Zec (Zimbabwe Electoral Commission) within a two-kilometre radius of Brady Barracks. The results coming out of seven out of 40 polling stations in the constituency bear little relation to voting patterns in them and the areas they cover in the last decade,” he said.

He said President Robert Mugabe’s confidence during his Press conference on the eve of elections was also suspicious, especially after his main opponent Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai had the day before held one of the biggest rallies ever in Harare.

“I was astounded to read in The Herald yesterday (Wednesday) that Zanu PF was looking at obtaining a two-thirds majority in Parliament, which defied all reasonable projections. It is now clear why there was this confidence. Zimbabwe has been subjected to electoral fraud on a massive scale,” Coltart said.

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Outgoing Minister Says Breaches of Electoral Law Render Result Illegal

All Africa

By Nomalanga Moyo

2 August 2013

Outgoing Education Minister and MDC legal secretary David Coltart has said the context in which Zimbabweans went to the polls has been fraught with many irregularities that render the whole process ‘illegal’.

Coltart was speaking to SW Radio Africa Friday after he raised concerns of massive rigging in the Bulawayo East Constituency, which he had hoped to represent in the next parliament.

Coltart lost the bid to the MDC-T’s Tabitha Khumalo.

In a statement conceding defeat, Coltart noted what he said were serious irregularities and breaches to the Electoral Act, especially the absence of an electronic voters’ roll prior to the election.

He told SW Radio Africa: “But on the (polling) day, we started to see why the failure to make us have the voters’ roll was so critical, and I saw it in two ways.”

“Firstly, earlier in the morning I became aware of a strange number of shaven youngsters around the Brady Barracks area, and that had been allocated seven polling stations all within a 2-km radius.

“The results that came out of those seven polling stations were completely out of keeping with the historical voting patterns in an area where ZANU PF has always lost,” Coltart added.

“Secondly, many people were turned away from polling stations, with their names not appearing on the roll. 85 at a station close to the United Bulawayo Hospitals.”

Coltart said this doubtless affected the election result. He also cited the involvement of police officers in the vote counting process as another Electoral Act breach that occurred on polling day.

“The law is clear that the police should neither be inside the counting station nor be involved in the counting process, yet in Bulawayo East, they were.

“So it is all of these breaches to the law and the constitution which make us say that the entire election has been unfair and illegal,” Coltart said.

Asked why both MDC formations went ahead and participated in an election whose lead-up was already discredited, Coltart said it was a difficult decision to make, as they would have been blamed if they had not.

He said the parties did all they could to raise the issue of the compromised electoral environment to SADC, including at the June 15th Maputo summit.But to no avail.

Coltart said it would be pointless to challenge the election result in the courts: “If you look at the electoral challenges from the 2002 election, none of them have yielded any meaningful change to the result or the system. And to that extent, going to court will be an entirely fruitless exercise.”

The outgoing minister called for calm despite this “massive electoral fraud”. He added that ZANU PF had this time overplayed its hand and, having engineered the result, will have to answer to the people to whom it owes its “landslide victory”, by reviving an economy it has consistently run down.

MDC-T secretary-general Tendai Biti, who came face-to-face with some youths who had been bused in to vote in Mount Pleasant, has described the ZANU PF poll victory as “monumental rigging”: “It was done in a manner so crude it is unbelievable,” said Biti.

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