Coltart vows to rid Bulawayo City Council of corruption

CITE

19th July 2023

By Tanaka Mrewa

Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC) aspiring Bulawayo Ward 4 councillor David Coltart has vowed to rid the Bulawayo City Council (BCC) of corruption and revert the city to its former glory should he be voted into office. 

Coltart has also been touted as the city’s next mayor.

In an interview on This Morning on Asakhe, a Twitter Space run by CITE, Coltart said he accepted the challenge after being approached by several party members and other political players, requesting him to take up the challenge and try his best to restore the city’s pride and glory. 

“I have been out of government for ten years and I have really enjoyed the break as I have managed to reconnect with my family and friends in the city I love. So, when the party asked me what role I would like to play I said you can put me back into Senate, put my name at the bottom, I know I would not be voted for, but I would have shown my allegiance to the party,” he said. 

“Then some members suggested that I vie for council office and try and restore the dignity of the city. Some people, even those from other parties-not Zanu-PF of course, said why don’t you go into council and restore the city pride. So, because of those requests, I have agreed to stand in as councillor for Ward 4. I viewed that as a poisoned chalice because there would be very high expectations and they would be very difficult to meet.” 

Responding to reports of him likely to land to mayoral position, Coltart said he was not getting ahead of himself.

“There is a lot of talk about me being mayor. I am not counting those particular chickens before they hatch. There is a process, I must be elected as councillor for Ward 4, the CCC will have to have a majority number of councillors and then I would have to secure the support of other councillors to become mayor. It is a long road to travel in that regard, so I am not making any assumptions in that regard,” he said. 

He said his vision of the city is to rid it of corruption in order to attract more investments. 

“If I am to sum up my vision for the city, it is to clean up Bulawayo. It has become clear in my mind that one of the reasons why Bulawayo is not working is because of corruption which has become endemic. Bulawayo is not working because of corruption, it is driving away potential investors. I want our city to have more investments and we can do that by eradicating corruption, which has become endemic,” Coltart said.

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The Gdansk Declaration: Solidarity for Democracy

From 21-23 June 2023, the European Solidarity Centre and The Brenthurst Foundation staged a conference on ‘Rolling Back Authoritarianism’ in Gda?sk, Poland, the epicentre of political change in Poland and in Europe in the late 1980s. The event was attended by more than 50 leaders from Africa, Latin America, Poland and the Baltic States. At the end of the event, the Gda?sk Declaration was adopted unanimously. It lays out the commitment of all delegates to ending authoritarianism and introducing democracy, accountability and transparency. This is the full text of this historic declaration. The signatories are listed at the end of the document.

The Gdansk Declaration

Solidarity for Democracy

From 21-23 June 2023, the European Solidarity Centre and The Brenthurst Foundation staged a conference on Rolling Back Authoritarianism in Gda?sk, the epicentre of political change in Poland and in Europe in the late 1980s.

This event took place as the world faced new challenges posed by contemporary authoritarian leaders and political systems and increasing assaults on democracy. The delegates were cognisant of the significance of meeting in a country adjacent to Ukraine which is the subject of an aggressive assault on democracy and sovereignty which is unacceptable to all freedom loving peoples.

We recognise that democracy in Africa is already under growing threat, including dramatic reversals this century in the Sahel and in North Africa. While these struggles may be characterised as popular, authoritarianism is today less about promoting ideology than defending elite privilege and power. Some African countries have never enjoyed a peaceful transfer of power at the polls. The weakness of institutions makes African countries particularly vulnerable to external undermining of democracy and to the risks of state capture.

The problem in Africa is not that we have too much democracy, as is sometimes claimed, but not enough.

Since nine out of ten Africans live under versions of authoritarianism, the struggle for democracy must involve all those outside government, in civil society including the media, academia, trade unions, churches and business. It may also involve those in government, given differences between ‘enlightened’ and ‘repressive’ authoritarians.

These struggles are not nationally determined and bound. Defending democracy requires common purpose – of solidarity – among democrats inside and outside all countries. Just as authoritarians have created their own financial, military and media networks that support each other, democrats have to do the same.

And nor are these struggles confined only to Africa. Democrats everywhere are under stress in maintaining these values and corresponding systems.

We accept that there is disillusionment with democracy. This is going to make it difficult to achieve majority governments, and stresses the need for coalitions for democracy on the one hand, and the development of policies that address the concerns of the electorate. Being generally pro-liberty and pro-democracy is not enough always to convince the electorate of the need for sacrifice to defend these values.

We need to promote values at home and abroad. We need not only to learn from the past, but examine our present in strategizing for the future.

We note that those parties which win power at the polls, need to act quickly with this mandate.

But first, democrats need to win the vote at home and to defend this victory. The history of Gda?sk, where the meeting was held, holds valuable lessons for those seeking to build free and open societies.


In 1980, the Gda?sk Agreement, comprising 21 points, reached accord between the government of the Polish People’s Republic and the striking workers of the Lenin Shipyard. Signed in  August 1980 by the government and the strike leader Lech Wa??sa, the Agreement led to the creation of the trade union Solidarity. As such it became an important milestone in the end of Communist rule in Poland and eastern Europe.

Similarly, this contemporary Gda?sk Declaration can be summarised in 21 points describing how oppositions and civil society can roll back authoritarianism and promote peace and democracy in undertaking to:

  1. Support democratic struggles materially and morally, making the fight for democracy easier and safer.

2. Accentuate common interests between opposition groups and seek to find common ground over differences.

3. Commit to shared values and principles, before and after taking power, including transparency, accountability, and key policy precepts such as the protection of private property, and reform of the education and health systems. Act to continuously uphold freedom of speech and association, and basic human rights.

4. Commit to breaking down racial, ethnic, geographical and religious divides in building just, free and fair societies.

5. Establish a region-wide *Alliance of Democrats*, formed around shared values, which meets frequently to build trust, develop joint strategies, monitor electoral standards and practices, and share experiences.

6. Advance a common, clear and consistent narrative to address the needs and fears of the population.

7. Create economies of scale through joint party procurement.

8. Participate in regional election monitoring missions.

9. Defend against state capture by championing the independence of domestic and constitutional electoral agencies, and the judiciary.

10. Develop a common funding platform, internationally sourced and transparently managed, committing to spend 90% of funding raised within the country.

11. Jointly develop and share programmes for post-election reforms, since the goal is not only to remove the regime in power.

12. Call out and manage those corporations responsible for manipulating internet and data coverage.

13. Ensure democracy and transparency in internal processes of governance, and channel support to leaders based on their popularity.

14. Commit to a path for equal gender representation.

15. Expose foreign funding and malfeasance, including disinformation and vote manipulation.

16. Encourage donors to calibrate their support for countries according to their democratic credentials.

17. Guard the capture of the vote and rivals through technology by creating and sharing cyber capacity.

18. Appeal to regional and international leaders and institutions to respond and provide leadership and engage with the opposition especially during times of crisis.

19. Speak on each other’s party platforms, and attend each other’s congresses as special guests.

20. Behave towards each other as fellow democrats, not deadly rivals, and seek those actions which imbue trust.

21. Openly share in, promote and celebrate each other’s successes in opposition as a collective win for African democracy, one election win at a time.

Governments have played a role in dividing opposition and continuing to rule. In so doing they follow a playbook of election malfeasance, including tampering of voter’s rolls and other forms of vote rigging, bribery, manipulation of the media, corruption and intimidation. A strong bloc of opposition groups – within countries and outside – is the best antidote to this, in building their own ecosystems for change and looking out for each other.

We recognise that freedom is not free. Democrats everywhere need to be united, and work together to reduce the costs and risks of this formidable if achievable task. We must provide moral support to all comrades in struggle, from Ukraine to Uganda.

This Declaration offers a collegial and institutional step in that direction.

L?IST OF ATTENDEES AND SIGNATORIES

  1. Abbasali Haji, East Africa Capital, Tanzania
  2. Adalberto Costa Júnior, Leader, UNITA, Angola
  3. Alexander Kambili, Germany
  4. Alfonso de Prat Gay, Former Minister of the Economy, Argentina
  5. Amgad Faried Eltayeb Idris, CEO, Fikra Center for Studies and Development, Egypt
  6. Andriy Marasin, former Senior Assistant Defense Attaché, Ukraine
  7. Anwar El-Sadat, Leadee, Reform and Development Party, Egypt
  8. Arkadiusz Modrzejewski, Director of Institute of Political Science, University of Gdansk, Poland
  9. Artis Pabriks, Former Deputy Prime Minister, Latvia
  10. Atupele Muluzi,  President, United Democratic Front, Malawi
  11. Robert Kyagulanyi “Bobi Wine”, Leader, National Unity Platform, Uganda
  12. Branko Brkic, Editor-in-Chief, Daily Maverick, South Africa
  13. Christopher Clapham, Professor Emeritus,  Cambridge, UK
  14. Cynthia Appenteng, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf Foundation, Liberia
  15. D?avid Coltart, Former Minister of Education, CCC, Zimbabwe
  16. G?eordin Hill-Lewis, Mayor of Cape Town, South Africa
  17. Gloria Uwishema Nsengiyumva, Human Rights activist, All for Rwanda, Rwanda
  18. Greg Mills, Director, The Brenthurst Foundation, South Africa
  19. Gregor Jaecke, Resident Representative, KAS, South Africa
  20. Gregory Nemyria, Deputy Chair, Foreign Relations Committee, Rada, Ukraine
  21. Holger Dix, Konrad Adenauer Stiftung, Germany
  22. Ian Khama, Former President, Botswana
  23. Illia Bozhok, Ukraine
  24. Ivone Soares, Member of Parliament, RENAMO, Mozambique
  25. Jawar Mohammed, Founder, Oromia Media Network, Ethiopia
  26. J?drzej Czerep, Head, Polish Institute of International Affairs, Poland
  27. John Githongo, CEO, Inuka, Kenya
  28. John Steenhuisen, Leader, Democratic Alliance, South Africa
  29. Juan Carlos Pinzón, Former Defence Minister, Colombia
  30. Kate Almquist Knopf, Senior Advisor, WestExec Advisors, US
  31. Khemaies Jhinaoui, Former Foreign Affairs Minister, Tunisia
  32. Kizza Besigye, President, Forum for Democratic Change, Uganda
  33. Lech Wa??sa, Former President, Poland
  34. Leopoldo Lopèz, Opposition Leader, Venezuela
  35. Luis Franceschi, Assistant Secretary General, The Commonwealth, UK
  36. Luke Pato, Bishop, Anglican Church of Southern Africa, South Africa
  37. Lutero Simango, President Democratic Movement of Mozambique, Mozambique
  38. Marcos Peña,  former Chief of the Cabinet of Ministers, Argentina
  39. McHenry Venaani, President, Popular Democratic Movement, Namibia
  40. Mpumelelo Mkhabela, Political Analyst,  South Africa
  41. Moeketsi Majoro, former Prime Minister, Lesotho
  42. O?leksandra Matviichuk, Head of Centre for Civil Liberties, Nobel Laureate, Ukraine
  43. Olusegun Obasanjo, Former President, Nigeria
  44. Omer Ismail, Former Foreign Affairs Minister, Sudan
  45. Paula Cristina Roque, Political Affairs Analyst, Portugal
  46. Raila Odinga, Former Prime Minister, Kenya
  47. Ray Hartley, Research Director, The Brenthurst Foundation, South Africa
  48. Robin Auld, Artiste, south Africa
  49. Roelf Meyer, CEO, In Transformation, South Africa
  50. Roland Freudenstein, Vice-President, Globsec, Belgium
  51. Sanyaolu Ayowole Oluwajuwon, African Action Congress, Nigeria
  52. T?endai Biti, Former Zimbabwe Finance Minister, CCC, Zimbabwe
  53. Tundu Lissu, MP, CHADEMA, Tanzania
  54. Velenkosini Hlabisa, President, Inkatha Freedom Party, South Africa
  55. Venâncio Mondlane, MP, RENAMO, Mozambique
  56. W?innie Odinga, EAC Member of Parliament, Kenya
  57. Yulia Tymoshenko, former Prime Minister, Ukraine
  58. Zitto Kabwe, Leader, ACT-Wazalendo, Tanzania

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ZLHR files urgent application against SI that seeks to amend Constitution

The Zimbabwean

26th June 2023

Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR) have filed an urgent appeal before the High Court on behalf of the Labour, Economists, and African Democrats (LEAD) political party, seeking to declare the government’s efforts to modify the country’s constitution through the use of a Statutory Instrument, unconstitutional.

This development comes after the government issued Statutory Instrument (SI) 114 of 2023 on the Statute Law Compilation and Revision (Correction of Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment No. 2. Act 2021) just before the Nomination Court convened on June 21, 2023, to correct an amended Section 268 of the Zimbabwean Constitution.

The amended Section 268 of the Constitution stipulates that each province or metropolitan province has a council, and that ten women must be elected to those positions under a proportional representation system, thus excluding men. SI 114 now allows both men and female candidates to be nominated for political party lists.

“We have just filed urgent application at High Court seeking an order to declare as unconstitutional, the machinations by government to amend the Constitution through gazetting Statute Law Compilation and Revision (Correction of Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment (No. 2) Act, 2021),” said ZLHR who filed the appeal on June 24, 2023.

“We have argued on behalf of LEAD that SI 114 of 2023 is unconstitutional.”

Section 268 has been in effect for two years, having been enacted in 2021. Still, this correction by the government is unconstitutional, according to ZLHR, because a law affecting an election cannot be made once an election proclamation date has been announced. In this case, the election date was announced on May 31, 2023.

The opposition also pointed out that the Zanu PF-led government enacted SI 114 of 2023 in order to benefit its candidates as the ruling party had ignored the constitutional amendment and utilised the zebra system to nominate male and female candidates for the 10 provincial or metropolitan council seats.

Following the publication of SI 114, ZEC published a press release on June 21, 2023 alerting political parties that they can proceed with nominating both female and male candidates for provincial or metropolitan council seats.

However, Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC) member and lawyer, David Coltart said the SI 144 demonstrated “gross ineptitude by the Zanu PF regime and was also “thoroughly illegal.”

“One cannot just amend a Constitutional provision, which has been in place for almost two years, on the day before nomination day, or at any time. It’s utterly bizarre,” he said.

Coltart noted that any nominations of male candidates which follow “this illegal SI” are equally illegal and of no force.

“The new constitutional provisions, Sections 268 and 269, bad as they are, state all the candidates must be women. A mere SI can’t change that,” he said bemoaning how this was a constitutional violation.

“No doubt ZEC will again ignore this brazen breach of the Constitution. But how incompetent is it for someone to wake up on the eve of an election to ‘correct’ an ‘error’ in the Constitution which was published almost two years ago? The bumbling is breathtaking.”

Another CCC member and lawyer, Tendai Biti said a Constitution cannot be amended by an SI and even assuming an error was made recording the amendments made in the National Assembly.

He argued that the Senate debated and adopted that erroneous position, which the President signed as law.

“Under such circumstances, only a constitutional amendment can undo the original position. Besides, a law affecting an election cannot be made once an election proclamation has been made. This is therefore a scandalous mongrel’s breakfast but one which not many mongrels will touch,” Biti said.

Political analyst Iphithule Maphosa weighed in, stating that the government and Parliament’s inability to take note of constitutional amendment – Section 268 before signing into law demonstrated incompetence.

“The government, particularly the Ministry of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs failed to revise this law when there was still time and now they are doing it when an election beckons in order to suit the ruling party, even though other political parties may still benefit from that. This shows lack of seriousness in carrying out oversight duties,” he said.

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Educating Africa for the Future

A Policy Paper by Senator David Coltart – eight policy decisions to think about

7th June 2023

Publisher

Friedrich-Naumann-Stiftung für die Freiheit Truman-Haus
Karl-Marx-Straße 2
14482 Potsdam-Babelsberg

/freiheit.org /FriedrichNaumannStiftungFreiheit /FNFreiheit

Author

Senator David Coltart
Minister of Education, Sport, Arts and Culture (Zimbabwe 2009 – 2013)

Editor

Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom East Africa Office
Nairobi / Kenya

Contact

Phone: +49 30 22 01 26 34 Fax: +49 30 69 08 81 02 email: service@freiheit.org

Date

January 2023

Notes on using this publication

This publication is an information offer of the Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom. It is available free of charge and not intended for sale. It may not be used by parties or election workers for the purpose of election advertising during election campaigns (federal, state or local government elections,or European Parliament elections).

Licence

Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0)

This paper was developed from a speech given by Senator Coltart to the 2nd Annual Maalim Seif Hamad Legacy Confe- rence held in Zanzibar on the 22nd and 23rd October 2022.

Table of contents

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

AN OVERVIEW OF THE CURRENT STATUS OF EDUCATION IN AFRICA

POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS ON HOW TO IMPROVE
THE EDUCATION SYSTEM IN AFRICA

  1. The Education sector must become the number one priority
    in national budgets in Africa
  2. African governments must elevate and value the teaching profession
  3. African countries need to identify and nurture their best talent
  4. African teachers need to optimize the use of new technologies
    to improve access to and variety of educational materials
  5. The education curriculum must intentionally balance
    between academic and vocational education
  6. More public participation and stakeholder involvement in policymaking
  7. Focus on the girl child
  8. Autonomy for schools rather than centralized control

CONCLUSION

Executive Summary

Africa in many respects is at a crossroads. Decades after the end of colonial rule, much of Africa‘s great potential is unrea- lized. At the root of this is the crisis in the education sector. Education infrastructure is collapsing in many countries amid an increase in school enrolment, rising cost of education, high teacher shortages in both primary and secondary schools, and reduced public funding for basic and higher education.

Eight policy decisions need to be taken to reverse this trend:

  1. The education sector must become
    the number one priority in national budgets.
  2. African governments must elevate and value the teaching profession
  3. African countries need to identify and nurture their best talent.

4. African teachers need to optimise the use of technology to improve access to, and variety of, educational material.

5. The education curriculum must intentionally balance between academic and vocational education.

6. More public participation and stakeholder involvement in policymaking

7. Focus on the girl child.

8. Autonomy for schools rather than centralized control.

Unless we address the crisis in education throughout Africa its economic and developmental goals will not be met. This crisis needs a broad continental consensus which transcends partisanship and nationalism.

An overview of the current status of education in Africa

For all of Africa’s wealth – the human capital, mineral re- sources and tourism potential – millions of Africans remain poor. Many young educated Africans are still endangering their lives trying to cross the Mediterranean Sea in leaky boats in search of better livelihoods. Millions of Africans across the continent, particularly in my own country Zimbabwe, have plans to emigrate to the United States, Europe, and elsewhe- re. One of the main reasons for this is the biting crisis in the education sector throughout Africa. Young people have lost hope in their own education systems, in their own countries, and in their own continent.

As a citizen and a former Minister of Education of Zimbabwe, I will use my country experience as a starting point to discuss the state of education on the continent and rely on the knowledge obtained as a result of that experience to propose pragmatic policy solutions to change the trajectory of our educa- tion systems.

In recent years, nearly a decade after I left office, teachers’ strikes have paralysed learning in many other countries including Kenya, Uganda, Cameroon, Ghana, Nigeria, Angola, Sene- gal, South Africa, Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Mauritania, Malawi, Tunisia, Guinea, Chad, Lesotho and Zim-

babwe. Across the continent, there is deep rooted tension and distrust between the governments and the teaching profession. Teacher morale is at an all-time low. The strikes have become a phenomenon that governments must deal with, due to the shrinking public purse and the rise in competing priorities to address the many socio-economic challenges.

Besides, public funding of education has reduced. Global statistics show that as a portion of all government expenditure, the spending on education in Sub-Saharan Africa has fallen from a high of 18% in 2005 – the highest in a 20-year period – to 14% in 20211. As a share of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP), the education expenditure has largely stagnated at between 3-4% in Sub-Saharan Africa2. The reduced investment in education has locked out approximately 19%3 of all children of school going age, who should be in school but are not. For many who are in school, textbooks are hardly available. The classrooms are few, such that in some countries like Zimbabwe, it is not unusual to find classes of 65 children, against the continent’s average of about 40 pupils to one teacher 4. And in other countries such as South Africa, university students had to protest the high cost of education. Even revered universities like my own alma mater, the University of Cape Town, are under threat.

Right across Africa massive challenges are presented in the education sector. Even relatively competent governments are overwhelmed by Africa‘s young population. Education systems simply are not keeping up with population growth.

We are not training enough teachers; we are not building new schools quickly enough to keep up with the population growth.

Policy recommendations on how to improve the education system in Africa

It is in the context of this continental crisis that we need to ask what can be done? I pose eight policy solutions to educate Africa for the future.

1. The Education sector must become
the number one priority in national budgets in Africa

It may seem obvious that there needs to be adequate invest- ment in education, but it has to be said that African governments need to make education their number one budgetary priority in actual terms. For instance, World Bank data shows that in 2020 Germany spent an estimated US$183 billion on education, more than six times what South Africa, touted as one of Africa’s most advanced economies. South Africa spent just US$21 billion 5. When looked at in terms of portion of GDP, South Africa could appear to be doing well spending an equivalent of 6.2% of its GDP on education, against Germany’s 4.7%, but the actual figures tell a different, more real story.

The World Bank and the UN educational, scientific and cultural organisation (Unesco) noted in a 2022 report on education financing that countries in Sub-Saharan Africa had cut spending to education in the aftermath of the Covid-19 pandemic. As a result, they were unlikely to “implement urgent actions to recover learning losses and address the already high learning poverty levels”6.

For a globalized world, and for graduates of Africa’s education system to meet the needs of the 21st century, more resources need to be invested in education. There are two examples relevant to Africa: Finland and Singapore. Finland, after the Second World War, had a relatively poor education system. They had massive economic challenges, but the Finnish people as a nation transcended partisanship and decided to invest in education as a national project. Since the 1950s, the Finns have invested heavily in education and set very high standards for themselves. It has been a gene- rational project that has now lasted some six decades. In the course of the last 60 years, they have utterly transformed their education sector. Today, Finland is rated as the coun- try with the “best education system in the world” according to one report published by the World Economic Forum7. By boosting their education system, they have utterly transformed their economy.

Singapore has a similar story. From a poor country in the 1960s with an economy smaller than Zimbabwe and even Kenya’s, Singapore is today an economic powerhouse with an economy that’s 14 times larger than that of Zimbabwe, and three times larger than Kenya’s, Eastern Africa’s largest economy 8. Singapore’s economy has been built on the back of massive investment in education over six decades, as the country’s founding leader Lee Kuan Yew illustrated in his widely-acclaimed book From Third World to First.

What is significant in both countries is that they have not paid lip service to the notion that education is a priority. In Zimbabwe the education sector is nominally our top priority. If you look at budgets announced in Parliament, the education sector tends to be the biggest theoretical recipient of budget money. But my own experience as a minister is that in practice, this isn‘t so. The theoretical budget is rarely matched by the actual amount transferred to the education sector. The reality is that the Ministry of Defence, other security ministries and the Office of the Cabinet, get the lion‘s share of finance in real terms. I suspect that this is the case in most African States.

It is a prickly issue, but when it comes to the budgetary priorities in countries, particularly in Africa, governments are spending far too much on national security and the self-preservation of existing governing parties. Africa still has far too many bloated cabinets and bureaucracies which allow many African leaders to have lifestyles that are way above the living standards of the vast majority of the people they govern. The tragedy is that even in democratic countries, where there is a chance of a peaceful and lawful transfer of power, governments rarely take the hard decisions to invest in education because there is an understanding that the fruits of those decisions will not be enjoyed during their tenure of office.

For a sustained transformation of African educational systems to succeed there needs to be a long-term financing po- licy. The fruits of such investment will not be seen in one parliamentary or presidential term of office. If democrats find this unpalatable, how about the tyrants whose only objective is the retention of power at any cost? This is why we need to develop a deep-rooted national consensus and understan- ding that successful investment in education needs to be a generational project. Indeed, the African Union’s Agenda 2063, the 50-year development plan recognizes investment in education as core and key to Africa’s development 9. But the question remains, will African governments implement the goals and aspirations for their national education systems to produce “well-educated and skilled citizens, under- pinned by science, technology and innovation for a knowledge society”?

If the world spent just an equivalent of 10% of the money spent on nuclear weapons in the last 50 years on education in the third world, the world would be a much different, bet- ter, and safer place than it is today. And Europe particularly would not be facing the specter of people trying to cross over the Mediterranean into Europe in the numbers they are now.

I end with this question: Why does Africa need sophisticated fighter jets and weaponry, when we can‘t even buy textbooks for our children? Africa will become a far safer place when children have hope and that will only come through a massive and sustained increase in our investment in education.

2. African governments must elevate and value the teaching profession

In most African countries, teaching as a profession was held in high esteem, attracted the best talent, and paid well. Most successful people attributed their success to the influence of their teachers. However, years of underfunding of education amid increasing workloads led to the perennial strikes for better terms of service, agitation for better and more infrastructure to mitigate classroom congestion and a messy teacher-to-pupils ratio. Consequently, the alluring prestige of the profession was slowly eroded. For instance, a February 2022 report of the African Union showed that in Madagascar, frequent absenteeism of teachers and lack of training for most primary school teachers, had not only led to decreased enrollment levels, but also there was a high number of unqualified teachers in the education system 10. Other literature shows that in Ghana, some teachers only have senior high school certificates raising concern about the aptitude and qualification of teachers, and the quality of teaching in schools 11.

In South Africa and Kenya, the concern about the quality and number of qualified teachers is addressed through mechanisms of continuing education to equip teachers with new skills and pedagogical knowledge to be able to deliver the goals of the evolving curricula.

My experience in Zimbabwe shows that teaching now attracts many people who aren’t able to study for other profes- sions, or the profession is taken as a backstop until better opportunities in other professions come along. Teachers are poorly paid and cannot afford to adequately educate their own children. They live in squalid conditions. They have few resources. Soldiers in the country have better working and living conditions than teachers. I recently visited a school in Dibilishaba in southwestern Zimbabwe, and I was staggered by the shocking living conditions of the teachers. These teachers who earn paltry salaries had banded together to get themselves a few solar panels, some batteries, and a satellite dish so that they can get access to Wi-Fi. Through their own dedication they realized that access to the internet is a crucial component of their mission to uplift the children in their care. This conforms to my own experience about the resilience of our teachers who have been historically our greatest asset and remain diligent and utterly committed to their vocation.

Contrast these circumstances of teachers in African countries with those of their counterparts in Finland and Singapore. In Finland, one must have a Masters degree in to become a teacher. A 2018 report on Education for Global Development published by the World Bank noted that teachers in Finland are “are highly valued, the teaching career is prestigious, de- manding, and reserved for the most talented and hard-working.”12 It is very competitive profession that “only one fifth of all applicants to primary teacher education programmes in Finnish universities are admitted. Their conditions of service reflect their status in society”13. In Singapore, if one wants to study education one has to have top secondary school examination marks. They are paid a stipend during their training and bonded for three years. They have a professional development programme that allows them to continuously upgrade their education. In other words, the Singapore Government treats the teaching profession in the same way most African countries treat engineers and doctors.

We need to change our mindset as Africans about the value of the teaching profession. We need our best brains teaching our children. I find it ironic that we Africans treasure all children with a passion and yet are prepared to put our children into the hands of people who themselves have a second-rate education and who lack motivation. If we truly love our children, and by children, I mean all our Nations’ children, then as governments, we will ensure that we attract the best brains and the best-educated teachers, not dispirited, anguished individuals who are looking for any job. We need motivated, well-educated and enthusiastic teachers. Without that critical component any thought of an African renaissance will remain a mere dream.

3. African countries need to identify and nurture their best talent

“Africa will be a continent where the talent of the child and the youth will be fully developed, rewarded and protected for the benefit of society,” according to the African Union’s Agenda 2063.

Countries across Africa have burgeoning populations. Existing schools are overwhelmed by the growing numbers of children. African governments are neither building schools nor training teachers quickly enough to keep up with the increasing number of children needing an education. Therefore, talent-spotting, especially for disadvantaged children, is difficult in learning institutions already saddled with high enrollment numbers, teacher shortages, and other weaknesses of the national education system on the continent. Consequently, some countries have created centres of excellence for their best and brightest in the country, to experiment, nurture and perfect their talents in academics, sports and the arts.

I had a similar idea for Zimbabwe, to identify two high schools in every province in the country develop them into “academies” offering world-class education in every province for the most-talented disadvantaged children. Kenya had a similar proposal to transform at least one high school in every constituency into a centre of excellence. In South Africa, different provinces explored the idea of turning some schools into centres of excellence. The idea behind these academies or centres of excellence was to equip them with optimum conditions for educational excellence in the three As, namely academics, athletics and the arts – that means modern classrooms, laboratories, workshops, libraries, sports facilities, art centres, and everything that a world-class school requires. These schools would recruit the best teachers, deploy the best technology, and provide all the learning materials needed for the success of these schools. Thereafter, the headteachers would competitively identify bright disadvantaged children and recommend their admission based on their academic aptitude, athleticism, or artistic talents. In these centres of excellence, they would be nurtured, their talent sharpened, in readiness for showcasing it on the world stage. The criticism against these centres was that it was elitist. My response was that it was not elitist because only disadvantaged children would attend.

One of the greatest tragedies in Africa is that there are millions of highly talented children, who are getting little or no education and whose talents are unexploited. There are bright children living in squalor, who aren‘t identified and even if they are noticed, there is no mechanism to nurture them, to channel them into good schools where their na-

scent talent can be enhanced and allowed to blossom. Private schools do this in Zimbabwe and in many African countries but are too expensive and so poor talented children rarely get into them. My belief was, and is, that these highly talented jewels (talented disadvantaged children) have the capacity to inspire the rest of the nation. They are the ones who will create jobs, to lead us on the sporting field to the highest goals possible, who are going to demonstrate all the artistic glory Africa has to offer. If their talents are identified and nurtured, they can disproportionately grow a nation’s capital in a way which ultimately benefits all.

Governments need to invest heavily in ensuring that the talents of underprivileged children are not lost, if needs be by investing in new schools with excellent facilities which are specifically designed to nurture the unique talents of underprivileged children. The starting point in changing the negative education narrative in Africa is to ensure that our best talent is identified, nurtured, allowed to thrive, and given opportunities to compete with the best in the world, so that it in turn can inspire future generations. Already some African countries such as Ethiopia, Rwanda, Tanzania, Uganda, Malawi, Zambia and Mozambique have centres of excellence for tertiary and university education. Scaling these to high schools and primary schools will be a great first step of identifying talent early, nurturing it, and gearing basic education towards the individual and national development goals and priorities. The progressive upgrading of schools into centres of excellence, through massive long-term investments in the education sector will in the end transform the whole education system by providing world-class inclusive education.

4. African teachers need to optimize the use of new technologies to improve access to and variety of educational materials

The best teachers in the world struggle to teach without adequate education materials. In most African countries textbooks are in short supply and most children and teachers do not have access to the internet. The unit cost of textbooks tends to be high, a situation created by relatively small orders of individual textbooks, further compounded by cartels in the publishing industry who conspire to push up prices. Computers, smartphones and internet infrastructure and access are prohibitively expensive. Most teachers do not even have smartphones. By leveraging on the use of these digital devices, as rolled out in South Africa, Kenya, Botswana and Rwanda, school children have an early access to computers, and subsequently develop the key digital skills needed to thrive and succeed in the knowledge society. Many other countries such as Tunisia, Nigeria, Angola and Uganda are experimenting with digital literacy programmes with similar objectives.

We need to think collectively as Africans and collaboratively publish basic textbooks in certain common subjects which can be produced in massive quantities and used right across Anglophone and Francophone Africa. This will offer better economies of scale and lower the production cost.

Specifically, we need to recognize that the most important years of education are in the first decade of a child‘s life and focus on ensuring, at the very least, that education materials for this stage of education are given priority. Governments must prioritise investment in education materials to ensure that all children have access to the educational materials required for fundamental numeracy and literacy skills. While the provision of education materials for secondary education is important, the key investment required in the short- term is in primary education

Tied to this, is the need to dramatically increase both teachers’ and students’ access to the internet, particularly in rural areas. The first gamechanger which I tried to implement was the concept of “school in a box”. I worked very closely with Apple to develop a box for rural schools comprising an iPad, solar panels and a projector. The iPads were to be loaded with comprehensive teaching materials to enable teachers to teach for example chemistry or biology in the most remote rural schools without access to the internet or traditional laboratories. Chemistry and biology experiments would be created virtually and loaded on to iPads, which les- sons could then be projected onto a bare white classroom wall, greatly enhancing the teaching materials available to teachers and the learning experience of students.

The second gamechanger unfolding throughout Africa is the brainchild of someone schooled in Africa – Elon Musk. Although Musk is a controversial person, his Starlink project with its high-speed, low-maintenance broadband has the potential to hugely transform the education sector in Africa. While Star- link is not the only provider of broadband in Africa, at present there is no other company which provides this potential. My understanding is that for some US$110 per month recipients can receive high-speed broadband internet 14. Starlink has recently announced plans to extend Starlink to some 22 African nations, including Zimbabwe 15.

If African governments collectively enter into agreements with Starlink it may be that rural schools can be linked to high-speed internet which has the potential to dramatically change the access of teachers and students to the best online teaching materials and supplements the world has to offer. The key however is work together to reduce the cost of accessing Starlink (or any other company providing a similar service) so that it becomes affordable to poor schools across Africa. At the same time western donor nations need to consider making computers, smartphones and other hardware available to African schools at the lowest possible cost.

If African governments collaborate in a continental exercise, they can negotiate a dramatic reduction in the unit cost of such equipment. Once again, such an exercise needs African governments to allocate the necessary budgetary resources

to purchase this equipment and to provide the servicing back- up required to keep such equipment working in future.

5. The education curriculum must intentionally balance between academic and vocational education

Aligning education systems and curricula to the national development goals remains a key goal of many countries, especially given the post-independence experience, where some countries realized their education systems were producing graduates who were ill-equipped for the job market. For example, Kenya and Tanzania, whose post-independence educational system emphasized self-reliance, had to recalibrate their systems to align to the new realities of the job market. Kenya has once again changed its curriculum to competence-based in a bid to prepare the graduates of the education system for the job market.

South Africa, Rwanda, Benin, Senegal, Morocco and even Ghana, have all adopted curricula that focuses on building on competencies. It is logical that if any curriculum is going to teach carpentry and joinery or welding and fabrication effectively, teachers must be trained in practical skills and all the materials required to teach such skills provided. This requires a massive investment. Accordingly, while ostensibly there is a new vocational curriculum in some of these countries, due to teacher shortages, lack of equipment and inadequate funds, some institutions teach these practical skills in theory, and therefore students come away with limited, or non-existent practical skills. To deal with the massive investment, countries such as Ghana have adopted public-private partnerships to inculcate the practical skills in their students and match their skills to those in the industries.

Finland has achieved a remarkable balance between academic and vocational education. Nonacademic, practically skilled, children in Finland, obtain an outstanding vocational education. Students who, for example, are talented carpenters, are the taught the skills in school which enable them to become world-class carpenters. Schools are staffed by teachers who themselves are talented carpenters. Schools have lathes, saws, drills, wood – all the materials one needs to teach carpentry in a practical way. In contrast in Zimbabwe most of the technical schools which taught these practical skills have fallen by the wayside. It is far cheaper to teach English and mathematics because all one needs is a teacher, a blackboard and textbooks.

However, countries must merge the pedagogical ideals of their educational curriculum, with the socio-economic goals and political realities. This fine balance has to be maintained, for as Nelson Mandela, the first black South African president and Nobel laureate, said: “Education is the great engine of personal development. It is through education that the daughter of a peasant can become a doctor, that the son of a mine worker can become the head of the mine, that a child of farm workers can become the president of a great nation. It is what we make out of what we have, not what we are given, that separates one person from another.”

If African economies are going to grow and compete with industrialised countries the teaching of vocational skills is crucial. It requires a balance between the teaching of academic and vocational subjects. Tied to this is the need to identify the particular talents and gifts of children so that they can be channelled into academic or vocational schools. As stated above a whole new generation of teachers with practical skills needs to be developed. Again, for this to be successful governments across the continent need to increase education budgets to meet this need.

6. More public participation and stakeholder involvement in policymaking

Far too many African governments, and this is particularly so in Zimbabwe, develop policies from the top down without consulting adequately with stakeholders.

I had the unusual “benefit” of being appointed Minister of Education as a lawyer with an acute appreciation that I was not an educationist. In my first meeting with top civil servants in the ministry I expressed this concern and advised that I couldn‘t develop policies unless I learned from them, and unless we all consulted broadly. I then co-opted the leaders from teachers’ trade unions and our best educationists into a National Education Advisory Board (NEAB). Before I implemented any policy, I made sure that there was a broad consensus amongst my senior civil servants and NEAB.

Public consultation in policymaking boosts stakeholder and citizen buy-in, improves transparency, increases efficiency and effectiveness of policies and regulations. In many countries on the continent, education policies have run into implementation headwinds due to the absence of public consultation.

Whether it is about changing the curriculum in Kenya, adopting digital technology in Botswana, or even redefining teachers’ terms of service or the cost of education in Ghana or South Africa, all these require adequate consultation, because it is not just about an education system, but about the future of our children, and our country. We all have a stake in it. Broad and genuine consultation and consensus building is critical if we are going to transform the education sector throughout Africa.

7. Focus on the girl child

The African Union Agenda 2063, the development roadmap for Africa, anticipates that in 2063 “will have full gender parity, with women occupying at least 50% of elected public offices at all levels and half of managerial positions in the public and the private sectors”16. “The economic and political glass ceiling that restricted women’s progress will have been shattered 17,” the roadmap predicts. Recent Unesco data supports this prediction as it shows that the enrolment numbers and the primary school completion rates for both boys and girls are within five percentage points of each other 18.

While the need for an equitable distribution of educational resources between boys and girls may seem obvious to most people, there is a major strategic reason why heavy investment in the girl child must be a key component in addressing the crisis in education in Africa. It is rooted in the goal that entire nations appreciate the need for a generational, decades-long, commitment to education, which is necessary to create a national desire to invest heavily in education. We will not achieve this generational desire if mothers themselves do not appreciate the importance of education.

When we deprive mothers of education, we deprive their children of having a motivator to explain to them how im- portant education is for life. If mothers themselves have had a deficient education, they are at a disadvantage. They may not inspire their children to learn. It follows that giving the girl child a good education goes far beyond what that single child will benefit from – it is in fact a foundational prerequisite to ensure that future generations do the same. It is a critical component in developing a decades-long, progressive and continually enhancing vision for education in every nation. When mothers understand the need to make education the absolute family priority then nations change; and not only do girls benefit, but boys also reap the dividends.

As former US President Barack Obama said in 2015 in Kenya, “any nation that fails to educate its girls or employ its women and allowing them to maximize their potential is doomed to fall behind in a global economy”19.

8. Autonomy for schools rather than centralized control

Finally, we need more autonomy in the education sector. While governments have to be involved in developing curricula, channelling resources, achieving economies of scale in the procurement of educational materials, and in the development of efficient assessment schemes and examination systems, it is wrong to think that governments are

solely responsible for the development of strong and effecti- ve education systems. Indeed one of the reasons why some education systems fail is because of centralized control of education which undermines the critically important role of parents in the education of their children.

One of the critical reasons why there remains a difference in attitude, even to this day, by parents towards education bet- ween Zimbabwe and South Africa is that the Todd Govern- ment in the 1950s deliberately engaged parents and involved them in the education of their children, whereas the South African apartheid regime shunned parents and deliberately excluded them from having any role in the education of their children. Black parents in apartheid ruled South Africa had little say in the education of their children and that tragically resulted in a totally different mindset amongst the vast majority of parents in South Africa regarding the value of education.

I am generalizing now, and there are obviously exceptions, but in Zimbabwe education is revered still by parents. Pa- rents understand the importance of education because they have been involved in the education of their children as far

Conclusion

In writing this paper I am deeply conscious of the fact that I am not an educationist, and that the development of the finer details of education policy need competent and objective subject matter experts to succeed.

However, as a former Minister of Education and the initiator and developer of one school in Zimbabwe (which is now one of the top schools in Zimbabwe) I have some understanding of the extraordinary challenges facing this sector. Zimbabwe itself faces the greatest crisis in its education sector in decades and if this is not addressed the future economic development of Zimbabwe will be retarded for generations as far back as the 1950s. The result is that in Zimbabwe several generations have developed understanding the critical importance of education.

In my experience in Zimbabwe the best schools are those where headmasters and teachers work closely with parents and local communities. Where one encourages parents and local communities to get involved in developing their schools, that is where one gets the best possible quality of education. What marks out many of Zimbabwe’s top schools, both private and public, is the involvement of parents and the intense interest they display in the education of their children.

Accordingly, governments throughout Africa need to involve parents in the development of education policy, and the loca- tion, running and maintenance of schools. It is a fine balance which needs to be achieved because most parents are not educationists and so should not dominate the development of policy at national or school level. But they must be con- sulted and involved at every level if a broad national understanding and desire to enhance education is to be achieved.

to come. Addressing the issues raised in this paper is the crucial game changer for Zimbabwe and Africa.

No matter what economic programmes African nations have, no matter what resources we have in Africa, if we do not educate our children for the future, our economic goals and objectives will not be met.

We need to think again. My hope is that this paper stirs debate and provokes renewed determination to tackle the deep- rooted problems in education systems throughout Africa.

FOOTNOTES

1 Data from the World Development Indicators available from https://databank.worldbank.org/source/world-development-indicators
2 Ibid.
3 UNESCO data published in the Global education monitoring report, 2020: Inclusion and education: All means All. Available from https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000373718

4.Data from the World Bank and the UNESCO Institute of Statistics. Available from https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SE.PRM.ENRL.TC.ZS?locations=ZG
5.Data from the World Development Indicators available from https://databank.worldbank.org/source/world-development-indicators
6.World Bank & UNESCO (2022). Education Finance Watch 2022. Available from https://www.worldbank.org/en/topic/education/publication/education-finance-watch-2022

7. Colagrossi, Mike. (2018, Sep 10). 10 reasons why Finland‘s education system is the best in the world. World Economic Forum. Available from https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2018/09/10-reasons-why-finlands-education-system-is-the-best-in-the-world

8. Data from the World Bank available from https://data.worldbank.org/?locations=SG-ZW-KE

9  African Union (2015). Report of the commission on the African Union Agenda 2063. The Africa We Want. Available from https://au.int/sites/default/files/documents/36204-doc-agenda2063_popular_version_en.pdf

10  African Union (2022). Second Continental Report on the Implementation of Agenda 2016, p19.
Available from https://au.int/sites/default/files/documents/41480-doc-2nd_Continental_Progress_Report_on_Agenda_2063_English.pdf

11  Buabeng, I., Ntow, F. D., & Otami, C. D. (2020). Teacher Education in Ghana: Policies and Practices. Journal of Curriculum and Teaching, 9(1), 86-95. Available from https://www.sciedu- press.com/journal/index.php/jct/article/view/16692

12  Saavedra, J., Alasuutari, H., & Guitierrez, M. (2018). Teachers and trust: Cornerstones of the Finnish education system. World Bank. Available from https://blogs.worldbank.org/education/teachers-and-trust-cornerstones-finnish-education-system

13  Ibid.

14  Condon, Stephanie (2022). What is Starlink? Everything you need to know about Elon Musk‘s satellite internet service. ZDNET. Available from https://www.zdnet.com/home-and-office/networking/starlink-satellite-internet-how-does-it-work-cost-features-speed/

15  Labuschagne, Hanno. (2023, January 20). Zimbabwe and 21 other African countries getting Starlink before South Africa. My Broadband.
Available from https://mybroadband.co.za/news/broadband/476903-zimbabwe-and-21-other-african-countries-getting-starlink-before-south-africa.html

16  African Union (2015). African Union Agenda 2063. The Africa We Want.
Available from https://au.int/sites/default/files/documents/36204-doc-agenda2063_popular_version_en.pdf

17  Ibid.

18  UNESCO (2022). New estimation confirms out-of-school population is growing in sub-Saharan Africa. Factsheet 62/ Policy Paper 48. Available from https://inee.org/sites/default/files/resources/382577eng.pdf

19  Obama, Barack (2015). Remarks by President Obama to the Kenyan People. The White House Archives.

Available from https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/the-press-office/2015/07/26/remarks-president-obama-kenyan-people

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Silence in the face of evil is itself evil

By David Coltart

Bulawayo

27th July 2022

Dietrich Bonhoeffer wrote: “Silence in the face of evil is itself evil: God will not hold us guiltless. Not to speak is to speak. Not to act is to act.”

There is so much evil in #Zimbabwe at present. Innocent people are in prison and bail has been denied to them. Deeply corrupt people run scot free. Corruption perpetrated by an elite leadership abounds. Teacher Union leaders are detained for asking for a liveable wage. The justice system has been almost totally subverted. People are murdered and yet the murderers are not prosecuted. The political elite flaunt their extreme wealth and spending on luxuries like Rolls Royce vehicles when hundreds of thousands of children are out of school and millions are poverty stricken.

And yet in the face of such evil many Christian leaders are silent. Some Christian leaders even support the political elite and do their bidding. Some justify their positions, saying they are quietly influencing change, when no change is apparent, indeed as things worsen. This is what the Bible says about such conduct.

James 4:17

“So whoever knows the right thing to do and fails to do it, for him it is sin.”

Proverbs 8:13

“The fear of the Lord is hatred of evil. Pride and arrogance and the way of evil and perverted speech I hate.”

Ephesians 5:11

“Take no part in the unfruitful works of darkness, but instead expose them.”

Romans 12:21

“Do not be overcome by evil, but overcome evil with good.”

1 Corinthians 15:33

Do not be deceived: “Bad company ruins good morals.”

Habakkuk 1:13

“You who are of purer eyes than to see evil and cannot look at wrong, why do you idly look at traitors and remain silent when the wicked swallows up the man more righteous than he?”

Ephesians 5:11-12

“Have nothing to do with the fruitless deeds of darkness, but rather expose them.”

Psalm 94:16

“Who will rise up for me against the wicked? Who will stand for me against those who practice iniquity?”

Isaiah 5:20

“Woe to those who call evil good and good evil, who put darkness for light and light for darkness, who put bitter for sweet and sweet for bitter.”

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Zimbabwe would not have been this chaotic if Nkomo had remained alive longer: Coltart

CITE

By Brenda Lulu Harris

2nd July 2022

Senator David Coltart believes that if the late former Vice President, Dr Joshua Mqabuko Nkomo, had remained alive longer , Zimbabwe would have not degenerated to its current status, where political and socio-economic instability thrived.

The former education minister said Dr Nkomo would have sought to put ‘things’ in order, as he was a strong leader, who would not have allowed Zimbabwe to reach such chaotic circumstances.

“It is hard to imagine that he would have allowed the chaos that started after his death in 2000. He was a very strong man, always spoke his mind and one believes that he would have asserted his authority to make sure that courts were not undermined in the way they were and that violence did not visit us again,” said Coltart while sharing his experiences about Dr Nkomo in a Twitter space hosted by CITE on Friday, July 1 to commemorate his life.

“For such an icon, he was an incredibly humble man and I believe that his death in 1999 was a tragedy not just for his family, close friends and his political comrades but was a tragedy for the entire nation.”

Coltart remarked how Dr Nkomo always spoke out against violence, although he was a wartime leader.

“He spoke out against the violence in the 1980s and he was one of the greatest leaders of Zimbabwe. It’s important that we remember his values that he stood by and seek to reinject them in our body politic into Zimbabwe again,” he said.

The former education minister said the late vice president was a person of great integrity who remained humble despite his station.

“When Nkomo died, he died a relatively poor man. He didn’t live in a huge mansion but lived in a humble home and he kept that humility throughout his life,” Coltart said, praising how Dr Nkomo respected alternative views.

“Even in the late 1990s when our paths sort of crossed when he was in the Zanu PF government and I was critical of it, he never stopped treating me with respect. He never used harsh language against me.”

Coltart recalled that the first time he met the late nationalist was in 1976 at White City Stadium in Bulawayo and was enthused by him although he was a police officer for the white regime

“I have very fond memories of uMdala and they go back a long time. I was a young policeman and had just finished my training and came to Bulawayo. Nkomo was also in Bulawayo and I was part of the police who had to be present at his gathering. As you will appreciate, as a young white, I was trained and taught he was a fierce man, who whites should be scared of,” he said.

“We gathered with tens of thousands of people at White City Stadium and his home was in Pelandaba close by. I was 18 and in the midst of a sea of people. What struck me was the lack of antagonism Nkomo displayed and the calm way he spoke to people about the great trauma the country was facing then. He stressed that the fight was not against white people but against minority rule and oppression.”

Coltart claimed Nkomo’s words on freedom had a profound impression on him as they ran contrary to what he had heard about him before.

“I next saw Nkomo after independence when I trained as a lawyer in 1985. His brother Stephen Nkomo had been detained at Khami prison on spurious charges and in the course of representing Stephen Nkomo, I had to meet with Nkomo to get instruction, convey messages to his brother,” he narrated.

“Once again, what struck me was the kind man who actually understood that I was just a young white lawyer, thrown into a situation that had not been part of my training. Nkomo was kind to me and gave me a lot of attention. He also showed great compassion towards his brother and other senior ZAPU leaders who I was representing Edward Ndlovu, Sydney Malunga, Welshman Mabhena and others.”

The former education minister added that he also met Dr Nkomo at his business place, the Blue Lagoon, where he would be called to take instructions.

“Many ZAPU councillors had been detained in Lupane and he wanted me to represent them. Once again, although he was the senior national leader, he wasn’t haughty but showed respect and took me carefully through the legal instructions,” Coltart summed.

“Then of course, he went into government after the Unity Accord and on occasions in the 1990s, we continued to interact but he was always amazingly friendly and kind towards me.”

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The roots of Ukraine war: A rebuttal of Chando’s assertions

By David Coltart

Zimbabwe Independent

24th June 2022

In last week’s Zimbabwe Independent a writer describing himself as Jonathan Chando, a lawyer, wrote an opinion piece justifying Putin’s invasion of Ukraine. His article cannot be left unanswered. Aside from anything else, lawyers are trained to argue on the facts and the law, and Chando does neither.

It is simply, from start to finish, a crude rehash of Putin’s propaganda. But this is not just about the integrity of the legal profession, or the interests of the Ukrainian people, which is at stake. Although Zimbabwe has very little interest in Ukraine it is vital that we understand the conflict because it has profound implications for our politics and economy at home.

But let me first deal with Chando’s “facts” which underpin his argument that this is “Washington’s war against Russia”. The article is riddled with brazen untruths from start to finish. I will deal with four of them.

Chando insinuates that Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky is US installed. He writes that the US installed “their handpicked Yatseniuk as interim president, who was to later be replaced by Petro Poroshenko following elections, and further by Volodymyr Zelensky.” The facts are that Zelensky won the first round of free and fair elections in Ukraine on March 31, 2019. In the second round, on April 21, 2019, he received 73% of the vote to Poroshenko’s 25%, and was elected President of Ukraine.

Zelensky wasn’t installed – he was democratically elected. If anyone doubts his popularity I encourage people to watch “Servant of the People” a Ukrainian TV satire in Russian with English subtitles which was first shown on Ukrainian television in 2015 (it is now on Netflix). Its themes of criticising corruption, the power of oligarchs, poor teachers’ salaries and misuse of State funds resonated with the Ukrainian people and it acted as the springboard to Zelensky’s election. He is no US puppet.

Chando repeats Putin’s propaganda that this is a war against Nazi Nationalists who somehow have taken over control of the Ukrainian government – he quotes Putin who stated that the aim of the “military operation” was “the denazification of Ukraine”. The fact that Zelensky himself is a Russian speaking Jewish man appears lost on Chando. The claim is patently absurd. The war itself has shown that Ukrainians themselves are deeply patriotic and determined to protect their own democracy. They have no desire for Ukraine to become another vassal fascist state like Lukanhesko’s Belarus.

Tied to this is the third falsehood sprouted by Chando – namely that Nazi Azov regiment has “unleashed terror on the eastern regions killing more than 14 000 civilians in the past few years”. Whilst it is true that at least 13 000 people have been killed in the armed conflict in eastern Ukraine, according to the latest report by the United Nations (through the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights) up to 13 200 people have died in the conflict until early 2020, of those, 3 350 were civilians and 5 650 insurgents, according to the UN.

It says that 4 100 of those killed were members of the Ukrainian military. Putin’s claim, repeated by Chando, that there has been what amounts to genocide in eastern Ukraine is brazenly false. I recommend a complete reading of the report to get the facts.

Finally, Chando’s regurgitation of Putin’s claim that there are “30 biological laboratories aimed at biological warfare against Russia and the people of Lugansk and Donetsk” is baseless. His claim that US Under Secretary Victoria Nuland has admitted that there are 46 biological laboratories is equally false and just a repeat of far right US commentator Tucker Carlson’s allegations which have been completely debunked.

The truth is that whilst there are labs, they study legitimate problems such as African swine fever (with the aim of preventing its spread in Ukraine) and tracing tularaemia and anthrax in animals such as wild boars. A kernel of truth has been deliberately twisted to suit a political end. In any event what any self respecting African commentator is doing, repeating right wing conspiracy theorists aligned to Donald Trump, is quite beyond me.

So much for the “facts” used in Chando’s article. But why is it important that Chando be challenged in this matter? Many argue that the war in Ukraine doesn’t affect Zimbabwe and is none of our business. Chando’s argument about Western double standards (exemplified in the US and Britain’s invasion of Iraq) resonates with many Africans. I contend that despite Western hypocrisy and double standards it is important that we understand the facts behind Putin’s invasion of Ukraine and its implications for Zimbabwe and Africa in general, for the following reasons.

War is evil

The underlying premise of Chando’s article is that the Ukrainian war is a necessary evil brought about by Western aggression. That notion feeds off our Zimbabwean experience. The intolerance, greed and arrogance of the Rhodesian Front regime, supported by the sentiments of a majority of white Rhodesians, led to the liberation struggle. That justified the taking up of arms and as a result war is still lauded in our country by many, and is a sentiment which is exploited by those who support Putin’s invasion of Ukraine.

However, aside from the fact that there are fundamental differences between the Ukrainian war and the Zimbabwean liberation struggle, this argument ignores the devastating consequences of war. In the 1950s Southern Rhodesia had an economy bigger than Singapore and South Korea.

Today our economy is a fraction of Singapore’s economy. The primary reason for that is the war our nation had to endure and the poison which has infected our body politic ever since. And that is a universal consequence of war. Hitler’s invasion of Poland in 1939 ultimately devastated Germany.

The US’s invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan in the last 20 years has destroyed infrastructure in both those countries and also contributed to the US’s massive debt burden. War has taken a terrible toll right across Africa in the last 50 years. In fact the only guaranteed consequences of war are that participating nations’ economies are trashed and that arms manufacturers profit.

Exactly the same is the consequence of Putin’s invasion of Ukraine. Not only have his forces flattened entire cities in Ukraine, but tens of thousands of lives have been lost and there are devastating consequences for the world’s economy. Fuel prices have rocketed and many nations now face severe food shortages. For all the attempts of the Russian ambassador to deflect blame for food shortages in the same edition of the Independent last week, the fact is that his country’s invasion of Ukraine has deeply exacerbated world food supplies. The war has had a significant impact on Zimbabwe itself.

The point is that war is evil; it should only be used as a last resort in defence of human rights. Putin’s actions are simply unjustifiable, even if the factual basis of Chando’s article was true, which as stated above they is not. There were other means of tackling the perceived threat to Russian security; but war was used as a first resort not a last resort. Zimbabweans need to be disabused of any notion that this war is justified or laudable in any respect.

Territorial integrity

Chando’s article correctly reflects Putin’s original stated objectives of the denazification and demilitarisation of Ukraine. When the war first started Putin’s intention was clearly to remove Zelensky from power and to turn Ukraine into another vassal State like Belarus. The Ukrainian defeat of Putin’s main objective to capture Kyiv has resulted in Putin focussing on a secondary objective, namely the occupation of a strip of territory adjacent to Russia and the Black Sea. It appears the purpose behind this is to consolidate Russia’s control over the Black Sea.

Whatever Putin’s objectives are, the fact remains that Ukraine is a sovereign independent State recognised by the United Nations. Whether Putin’s objective was to take over effective control of the entire country or merely to seize a portion of Ukraine, his actions have violated Ukraine’s territorial integrity. If that policy is allowed the consequences for world peace will be dramatic.

It will set a terrible precedent of might becoming right. If that policy is pursued in Africa it could result in endless wars on our continent. Imagine, for example, if the DRC was taken over by an efficient and powerful oligarchy which decided it wanted a land bridge to the Atlantic, and ethnic tensions were used to justify the invasion of Cabinda Province, which contributes 60% of Angola’s oil output? Closer to home, imagine if secessionist tensions in Matabeleland were used by a dominant South Africa as justification for invading Matabeleland with the real intention of securing Zambezi water or Zimbabweans gas fields? For this reason alone Putin’s invasion of Ukraine is indefensible. Indeed it is shocking that any African could seek to justify it.

War crimes

It is clear that war crimes are being committed in the Ukraine. Reputable media in the last few days have reported on an analysis of more than a thousand photographs taken recently which show that “Russia has used hundreds of weapons that are banned by international treaties and that kill, maim and destroy indiscriminately”. There are hundreds of credible reports of cities being carpet bombed into oblivion, of hospitals and schools being indiscriminately targeted along with civilians.

There are many credible reports of rape being used as weapon against Ukrainian women. The death toll so far has exacted a staggering toll in lives lost, thousands of them civilians. All of these are war crimes.

It is no good for us as Africans to complain about crimes against humanity committed on our own continent if we are going to turn a blind eye to war crimes being committed on a daily basis by Putin’s regime. Once again even if the factual basis argued by Chando was correct, that doesn’t justify the wholesale commission of war crimes or our deafening silence as Africans in failing to condemn these crimes.

Conventional wisdom in Zimbabwe is that the Zanu PF regime has modelled itself on China.

Given the long history between Zanu PF and the Chinese Communist party, China’s support of Zanla during the war and the substantial investment of China in certain infrastructure projects in Zimbabwe (such as the energy sector, the new Parliament and the Defence College) it is natural to assume that this is the case. But the reality is that since the coup of 2017 the Zanu PF regime has increasingly modelled itself on Putin’s regime, not the Chinese.

The hallmarks of the Putin regime are rampant corruption, a country run by obscenely wealthy oligarchs, the destruction of any semblance of an independent judiciary and a penchant for war. For all the undemocratic nature of the Communist Party these characteristics are not found in China. China regularly executes those found guilty of corruption; it remains a country where Western capital, including massive companies like Apple, still feel safe enough to invest in. China has not engaged in any foreign wars for decades.

In stark contrast, from Chechnya to Syria, Putin’s Russia has been involved in a string of wars since the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991. Russia, unlike China, has not invested in Africa’s infrastructure. In Zimbabwe Russia’s investments have been confined to the extractive mineral sector and Zimbabweans cannot point to a single large infrastructural project the Russians have financed for the benefit of the Zimbabwean people. Furthermore, unlike China, the Russian investment climate is toxic.

The book “Red Notice’ written by Bill Browder, the world renowned hedge fund manager who has campaigned to get justice following the murder of Russian lawyer Sergei Magnitsky, is a powerful expose of the reality of the Russian investment climate and the state of the Russian legal system.

Indeed Browder’s book should be required reading for Zimbabweans because as one reads it the similarities between the Putin regime and the Zanu PF regime become painfully apparent. Whilst the Zimbabwean economy and the power of the regime is minute compared to Russia, that is where the dissimilarities end. Zimbabwe’s economy is now effectively controlled by a handful of black and white oligarchs.

Corruption involving the same oligarchs has become endemic. The judiciary has been completely undermined; so called anti-corruption courts are now used to persecute political opponents. The Zimbabwe Anti Corruption Commission turns a blind eye to brazen and rampant acts of corruption committed by the political hierarchy and their oligarch supporters.

The Zimbabwean investment climate is also now toxic notwithstanding the rhetoric of the Zanu PF regime. The Zanu PF regime also has a penchant for war; its current leaders are the very same people who richly benefited from Zimbabwe’s involvement in the DRC war. The events of August 2018 and January 2019 are a reminder that this regime doesn’t hesitate in its use of the military to impose its will.

Ironically, as much as I deplore the undemocratic nature of China, if the Zanu PF regime actually modelled itself on China our economy would be in much better condition than it is now.

But it does not and shows no intention of doing so. Accordingly, aside from all the other flaws in Chando’s article, for this reason alone it is not in Zimbabwe’s national interest for us to support Putin’s actions. It follows that aside from human rights concerns, or international justice issues, if we as Zimbabweans want to promote international investment and resuscitate our economy then it is imperative that we distance ourselves from the Putin regime and its vile actions, not seek to justify it, or worst still associate ourselves with it.

Coltart is a lawyer and a politician.

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Zimbabwe hints at sending genocide fugitive Mengistu home to Ethiopia to face justice – but critics aren’t buying it

Is it just more Zanu-PF smoke-and-mirrors and deception? Some suggest it’s meant to deflect criticism that Zimbabwe is harbouring genocidal killers

 Former Ethiopian dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam at a welcoming ceremony on the eve of a non-aligned summit in Harare, Zimbabwe, in September 1986. (Photo: Alexander Joe and Dominique Faget / AFP)

By Peter Fabricius Follow

06 June 2022  

Daily Maverick

Is Ethiopia’s former brutal dictator, Mengistu Haile Mariam, about to be sent home at last, after three decades of asylum in Zimbabwe, to serve the rest of his life in jail for genocide?

This is the prospect Zimbabwe’s foreign minister, Frederick Shava, seems to have dangled. He told the Voice of America (VOA): “If the people of Ethiopia approach the government of Zimbabwe, appropriate steps will be taken by the government of Zimbabwe in response to the request, to the legitimate request from the government of Ethiopia.

Shava’s remark has sparked considerable interest and speculation about a possible radical about-turn in Zimbabwe’s policy. After long-time Ethiopian Emperor Haile Selassie was toppled in a military coup in 1974, Mengistu, an army colonel, then seized power in 1977 with the support of the All-Ethiopia Socialist Movement, a Marxist-Leninist group. He ruled Ethiopia with a bloody, iron fist as a one-party Marxist dictatorship until 1991, when he in turn was ousted.

He then fled to Zimbabwe, where his friend and fellow autocrat, President Robert Mugabe, gave him sanctuary and whence the ruling Zanu-PF has so far resisted all efforts to send him home to face justice.

In 2006, he was tried in absentia in Addis Ababa, found guilty of genocide and other charges after a 12-year trial and sentenced to life in prison. His main offence was directing the “Red Terror” in the late 1970s to try to eliminate his political opposition, mainly the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Party. Tens of thousands of opponents were killed or tortured.

But Mugabe still refused to send him back to face trial or serve his sentence.

https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2022-01-17-getting-to-grips-with-ethiopias-ethnic-and-political-violence-is-vital-for-stability/embed/#?secret=AstCQ7qJUp#?secret=i7LVDuG3V8

Mugabe himself was ousted in a palace coup by Vice-President Emmerson Mnangagwa in November 2017, but he too showed no signs of surrendering Mengistu.

Now Shava’s surprising statement suggests that Mnangagwa’s position might be shifting.

But is it? Zimbabwe commentators are rather bemused but also sceptical.

“What you have to understand about the Mnangagwa regime is that it’s all about smoke and mirrors and deception,” says opposition politician and lawyer David Coltart.

He notes that the cheerful woollen scarf in national colours that Mnangagwa always wears on public occasions is “emblematic of what goes on in his government. It is literally sheep’s clothing on the wolf. In relation to Mengistu, it’s part of exactly the same strategy.”

He and other commentators believe Shava mentioned the vague possibility of extraditing Mengistu only to deflect criticism that Zimbabwe was harbouring genocidal killers. This was prompted by the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals, which is still pursuing the leading perpetrators of the 1994 Rwandan genocide, recently discovering their most wanted suspect, Protais Mpiranya, had died in Zimbabwe at the age of 50 in 2006 and had been buried in Zimbabwe under a false tombstone.

Mengistu
Ethiopian leader Mengistu Haile Mariam addresses supporters in Addis Ababa in May 1977. (Photo: AFP)

“They have been deeply embarrassed by the UN revelation,” Coltart said. “And Mengistu has been a guest of this country for decades. And so I think this is designed to try to deflect criticism… I would be very surprised if they released him. I think their intention is to deflect, let the dust settle and then they can get on with their lives”.

This interpretation is reinforced by the fact that Shava’s hint that his government might favourably consider an extradition request came in the context of questions by the VOA journalist about Mpiranya.

Shava denied any suggestion that Harare was a safe haven for genocide fugitives and insisted that his government had not been aware that Mpiranya had been in the country until the UN Mechanism found his body.

But DM168’s well-placed sources suggest it is highly unlikely the Zanu-PF government did not know Mpiranya was in Zimbabwe. They said they believed he had met military officers in the Democratic Republic of Congo in 1998 when both were engaged in repelling an attack on then president Laurent Kabila’s government by Rwanda. The Zimbabwean military officers had then invited him to settle in Zimbabwe.

Mengistu
Just four months out of office, former Ethiopian prime minister Hailemariam Desalegn (left) had a strange meeting with Mengistu Haile Mariam in 2018 when Desalegn was heading the AU’s mission to observe the Zimbabwean elections. (Photo: Supplied)

Shava told VOA that Harare had “fully cooperated with the UN Residual Mechanism” in its investigation of Mpiranya. And it does seem true at least that after the Mechanism’s prosecutor, Serge Brammertz, had criticised Zimbabwe in the UN Security Council, Harare increased its cooperation. This might, though, have been part of Mnangagwa’s efforts to thaw relations with the international community in the hope that it would lift remaining sanctions on Zimbabwe.

In the end, Brammertz’s team discovered Mpiranya’s body by its own good sleuth work, including coming across the false name under which he had been buried, in a sketch of his tombstone on a computer.

https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2022-06-02-pretoria-finally-helps-un-criminal-tribunal-track-down-rwanda-genocide-suspect-fulgence-kayishema/embed/#?secret=soz9MexIbx#?secret=rxyR8s9vhr

The same goal of winning international approval – or perhaps deflecting disapproval – might have motivated Shava to hint at a possible extradition of Mengistu. He told VOA: “We are not harbouring Mr Mengistu. We have allowed Mr Mengistu to stay in Zimbabwe since he fell out with his people in Ethiopia. It was not a conspiracy; everybody knew he was coming here with his family, and there is no comparison with what you are asking about [about Mpiranya].”

In Addis Ababa, however, there are doubts whether the government of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed really wants Mengistu right now, since it is so preoccupied with its war against Tigrayan and other dissidents.

In 2018, former Ethiopian prime minister Hailemariam Desalegn had a strange meeting with Mengistu in Harare. Desalegn – just months out of office – was in Zimbabwe as head of the African Union’s mission observing Zimbabwe’s elections. His officials tweeted a picture of him with Mengistu without explaining what they had discussed in their meeting. DM168

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Reflections of the life of Noel Eric Boetie Mbokodo York

By David Coltart

Bulawayo 28th May 2022

It is a great honour for me to be asked by the family to speak today.  As we celebrate Boetie’s life and mourn his passing it is important that we reflect on his life and the principles he stood by so that we can learn from them and apply them in our own lives.

 I want to reflect on a few incidents which illustrate his character.

1982 DETENTION

In January 1982 Boetie and Alan were arrested separately on spurious charges that they had an arms cache on one of the family farms.  Boetie was arrested down in the Lowveld.  Alan was arrested at the family farm and taken to Khami Maximum Prison not knowing where Boet was.  He thought that he was alone and was put in the Maximum Section of the prison.  Every evening inmates had to strip down to take a shower and to do so were let out of their individual cells and went into a corridor which could be seen by others both in higher floors and below.  A few days after his arrest one evening Alan was in the nude and having had his shower was coming back to get his sadza before being put back into his cell.   Suddenly a voice boomed down from the floor above, “have you got a licence for that weapon!” As an aside having not been to Plumtree I had no idea Alan was so well endowed.

 Allan recounts how this suddenly transformed his gloom, his rock was there, there was no sympathy expressed by Boetie but through his humour it encouraged Allan and he had the first decent night’s sleep since his detention.

Boetie and Alan were discharged by the Courts but were warned that they would be re-detained.  Shortly after their discharge they met in their lawyer’s office and the late Strippy Goddard came to meet with them and told them that he had arranged for a flight for them to be able to leave the country immediately.  Boetie’s response was emphatic.  “We are not going to leave the country.  We will face the music”.  They went back to Fairview and had a huge party that evening only to be detained at 6.00 a.m. the following morning by the Police on a 90 day detention order.  They ended up in Chikurubi with Boetie being put in death row and Allan being put in the penal block. They were detained for a couple of months before being released again and on their way back to Bulawayo they were stopped at a Police roadblock outside Kwe Kwe and re-detained.  A police Superintendent had come down from Harare with handcuffs and leg irons to arrest them and transport them back to Harare.  Whilst they were being interviewed by the Superintendent in a Police office, Boetie refused to be handcuffed and pretended to lunge for an FN rifle which was in the room.  He said to the Superintendent “I could easily have grabbed this FN rifle which I am well used to, but I  didn’t and am not dangerous.  I refuse to go back in handcuffs and leg irons”.  The Superintendent relented. Then followed the curious spectacle of Boetie and Allan being driven back to Chikurubi by this solitary Superintendent with Boet in the front seat with the Superintendent and Alan in the back seat.

Their circumstances got even harder after that they were taken to Goromonzi Detention Centre which was designed as an Interrogation Centre with totally independent soundproof cells with no natural light.  They were in solitary confinement and the artificial light would be left on for 28 hours and left off for 6 without them being able to hear anything outside.  Boetie’s humour and determination never wavered. His insisted that they be given water and buckets to clean up the filthy cells.

From there they were transferred to Chikurubi again where Boetie ended up in a cell with Dumiso Dabengwa and Alan in a cell with Lookout Masuku.  During the months that they were together with Dabengwa and Masuku, they developed a close friendship.  The best story of this period is that Allan taught Masuku to play chess and Boetie taught Dabengwa to play chess but to their deep frustration within a week of them teaching Masuku and Dabengwa to play chess both Masuku and Dabengwa started thrashing the Yorks and it was no contest.

However, as a result of that common trial that Boet and Dabengwa went through they developed a close friendship.  It was a truly remarkable friendship given that they were both warriors and had fought on opposite sides.

Finally, after over 7 months of detention early on the morning of the 20th August 1982 Boetie and Allan were released from Chikurubi and taken to Mugabe’s office in the centre of Harare.  What they didn’t know is that their father, Eric, had managed to get in to see Mugabe.  Eric had told Mugabe that they needed to take their political hats off and as old men agree that his sons should be released, given that the Courts had acquitted them.  Eric, who was half blind at the time was persuasive and Mugabe agreed to release them.  Boetie and Allan were brought into Mugabe’s office where Eric and Mugabe were seated.  All Eric said when he saw the two of them was “you two”!.   

They had a short meeting and Mugabe said: “Let us put this matter to rest, you have asked for your boys, here they are, now take them home”.

One footnote – the day after they were released Police Figtree Member in-Charge brought all Boet’s firearms back to him.  Boetie said “but hey I am the arms cache guy.” For which the ZRP M/I/C said “you have never been taken off our list of reservists!” Such is Zimbabwe.

MATABELELAND DISTURBANCES

Boetie’s release from detention in August 1982 cast him into the vortex of the Gukurahundi which followed.  Despite all that he had suffered in prison he became the go-to-person for many farmers in the Matabeleland Region.  These farmers faced more trauma during this period from 1982 onwards than they had faced even in the 1970’s.  They often found themselves alone and defenceless.  Boetie became one of the principal-go-to people.  He was selfless and utterly brave.  He went on countless follow ups putting his life on the line in a most remarkable way.

PERSONAL REFLECTIONS

During the last 2 decades of political turmoil in Zimbabwe Boetie continued to demonstrate his deeply held principles, courage, bravery and thoughtfulness.  When Robert Mugabe threatened me and Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace Director, Mike Auret on television in 1999 saying that we were enemies of the State, it was Boetie who was the first person at my door to offer help.  A bit like Strippy Goddard had offered Boetie way back in 1982, he offered to get me out of the country as well.  Like Boetie I refused to go but I always knew that Boetie was one person I could turn to during the darkest days.  Boetie demonstrated similar support for many others.  On Independence Day in 2000 when Martin Olds home was surrounded it was Boetie once again who, with others of course, was most anxious to go to his assistance.  I met with him early that morning and remember how anguished Boetie was that Martin was surrounded and needed assistance.  

Jen had Boetie as one of two people on her speed dial knowing that he could be relied upon to help. When a determined effort was made in March 2003 to take me out it was Boetie who bravely broke the siege over the safe house were I was trapped.

Time does not allow me to recount all the other people he helped.  No doubt many of you here today have your own stories of how Boetie stood by you and helped you.  He was indeed a legend.

LAND

Any reflection on Boetie’s life would not be complete if mention was not made of his principled attitude towards his own assets.  At one stage E.R. York & Co. was arguably the largest single landowner in Zimbabwe.  E.R. York (Pvt) Limited at one stage had over 300 000 acres of land and ran over 30 000 head of cattle.   On his death Boetie was left with a few hundred acres. 

As so many other people have done, he could have used his wealth to buy his way back onto the land.  However, Boetie on principle was not prepared to do that.  Boetie believed that the manner of the Land Reform Programme was wrong and illegal, and that poor people had in particular suffered and so was not prepared to use his standing, his wealth, his contacts with Dabengwa and the likes to secure land just for himself.  Tied into that was the way Boetie lived his life.  As we all know he always just drove a bakkie.  He had no airs or pretentions. He was generous to a fault.

DEATH

I have been privileged to be able to speak and pray with Boetie over the last few months, in particular in the last few weeks as his life ebbed away.  What has struck me is that despite this illness, which he fought so bravely, he remained calm and at peace.  Even last Friday, 2 days before his death, the last time I saw him, the first thing he did on seeing me was to ask after my family.  As he faced so many battles and trials before in his life, so he faced this battle; always thinking of others, never complaining.  

LESSONS LEARNED

So, what do we learn from all of this?  What I take away is the following:

  1. Boetie was courageous in the face of tyranny and in the face of great trials.
  2. Boetie stood by the principles his parents and grandparents taught him and never to wavered from them.
  3. Boetie was thoughtful of others.  He was selfless and put others before his own interests.
  4. Boetie did all he could to use the strength of his position to encourage others, often using humour to do so.

Boetie did all of these things.  As we reflect on his memory, I hope it will encourage us all to aspire to higher standards in our own lives. 

A CLOSING THOUGHT

Boetie was always deeply committed to Zimbabwe.

If ever there was a genuine patriot, a genuine hero of Zimbabwe it was Boetie.  He had a deep belief in this country but believed that it would only reach its potential if we returned the country to the principles that he tried to live his own life by.  My hope is that his life will inspire us to emulate him in future so that his vision for a new bright dawn in Zimbabwe can ultimately be attained.

I would be grateful if you would all stand briefly to honour Boetie and reflect on what he stood for.

Hamba Kahle Boetie.

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Govt urged to address crisis in education sector

Newsday

25th January 2022

BY CATHERINE MUCHIRI

STAKEHOLDERS in the education sector have called on government to address the multi-pronged crisis in the sector amid reports that 1,5 million learners have dropped out of school due to poverty and the COVID-19 pandemic-induced lockdown.

The call came as the world yesterday commemorated International Day of Education.

The United Nations set aside January 24 as the International Day of Education. This year, it was commemorated under the theme Changing Course, Transforming Education to strengthen and welcome the revival of education in a gap hugely felt due to COVID-19.

Former Primary and Secondary Education minister David Coltart said the commemorations came at a time when the country’s education sector was facing its worst crisis.

“The children are facing a complete catastrophe and the education system is underfunded, while the country’s teachers are disrespected. The government should work more to improve the sector by allocating it more funds,” he said.

“It should also make the profession attractive to younger people by increasing teachers’ wages and respecting them. The government should allow the spirit of dialogue between them and the teachers unions in order to reach consensus. The teachers should be encouraged, not threatened, and their teaching conditions must be improved in order to motivate them to be at their best.”

Amalgamated Rural Teachers Union in Zimbabwe president Obert Masaraure said his organisation had launched the Save our Education campaign to push for revival of the education sector.

“We are calling for a fully-funded basic education system as between seven million and nine million people in the country live in extreme poverty and cannot be expected to fully afford paying school fees and to buy learning materials,” he said.

“In Bulawayo province alone, 60% of learners have dropped out of school due to this issue. In Zimbabwe, 1,5 million children are out of school, while 12% don’t complete primary education, and 27% don’t complete O Level and 87% don’t finish A Level.”

In 2020, a Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency report said 59,1% of the schoolgoing population dropped out of school in Bulawayo, 55,4% in Mashonaland West, 47,2% in Manicaland, 48,2% in Masvingo, 35,3% in Mashonaland West, 36,4% in Mashonaland Central, and 40,5% in the Midlands.

Masaraure appealed to government to provide education recovery grants to schools to benefit underprivileged pupils.

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