Statement by Senator David Coltart regarding Minister Moyo’s statement on SA xenophobic attacks

Statement by Senator David Coltart regarding Minister Moyo’s statement on SA xenophobic attacks

April 15 2015

I see that Jonathan Moyo has responded to ANC Secretary General Gwede Mantashe’s indirect criticism of Robert Mugabe’s racist statement against whites made on his State visit to South Africa last week. Mantashe said on Monday that the “ANC theorises colonialism differently to ZANU PF” and “has no desire to drive white people into the sea”. Moyo responded yesterday on Twitter to a story headlined “We differ with Mugabe on whites: Mantashe” saying “And we differ with the ANC on blacks!”.

Moyo was referring of course to the horrific outbreaks of xenophobia which have occurred in South Africa, which all people should rightly condemn. Moyo also rightly stated that “xenophobia can easily mutate into genocide tomorrow”.

However Moyo’s statements are hypocrisy of the worst order. One cannot pick and choose what types of xenophobia or racism are acceptable or not. One cannot say that it is fine to make inflammatory racist remarks against one race and then condemn xenophobia or racist behaviour directed against another group. Xenophobia and racism are evil – period. The xenophobic statements made by some South African leaders are wrong – period. ZANU PF’s policy of ethnic cleansing directed against whites in Zimbabwe is wrong – period. Mantashe has hit the nail squarely on the head when he talks of a policy employed by ZANU PF to “drive white people” perhaps not into the sea but certainly across the Limpopo.

Moyo’s comments are hypocritical for another reason – he makes them glibly ignoring the reasons why there are so many Zimbabweans in South Africa who are now bearing the brunt of these horrendous attacks. Most Zimbabweans I have spoken to in South Africa do not want to be there – they long to be back home but cannot return because there is nothing here for them. Most left Zimbabwe in the first place because of a succession of brutal and destructive policies implemented by Moyo’s party ZANU PF. In the 1980s thousands of young men fled the Gukurahundi from the very constituency Moyo now seeks to represent, Tsholotsho. If he is honest he will admit that. Since 2000 hundreds of thousands have left Zimbabwe because of the chaotic policies of ZANU PF which destroyed the Zimbabwean economy. Others left because they happened to disagree with ZANU PF and fled to save their lives.

The tragedy is that these Zimbabweans still cannot come home because ZANU PF continues to this day to implement destructive policies which have seen the loss of even further jobs. To this day ZANU PF is still kicking productive white farmers off land, simply because they are whites who do not happen to support them, in the process swelling the numbers of the unemployed. To this day ZANU PF turns a blind eye to rampant corruption perpetrated by senior Ministers and other government officials, bleeding the country’s economy to death. ZANU PF still pursues its ridiculous indiginisation policy which has starved the country of foreign investment. But perhaps the greatest irony is that President Mugabe still uses antediluvian language against minorities which will deter businessmen the world over from ever investing in Zimbabwe.

Until we implement sane policies in Zimbabwe our citizens living in South Africa will not feel it safe to return home. At the very core of those policies must be a commitment to a new order – a new vision of Zimbabwe which is not locked in our sad racist past, but guided by the principle that all people are of equal worth, irrespective of their colour or ethnicity.

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Zimbabwean Children’s Right To Education Under Serious Threat

RadioVop

By Sij Ncube

April 14 2015

President Robert Mugabe’s regime wants to introduce examination fees for the country’s seven graders as well as hike charges for national Ordinary Level public examinations in what appears a fragrant violation of the constitution which guarantees the right to education for every child.

Primary and Secondary education minister Lazarus Dokora revealed last week that the cash-strapped Zanu (PF) government has resolved to levy examination fees for Grade Seven, which ranks as a great blow to education since independence from colonial Britain in 1980.

Fees for Ordinary Level candidates would summarily go up by $10 per subject.

With the generality of the adult population battling to put food on the table, let alone paying schools for their children, there is a consensus among educationists, activists and analysts, the government has its priorities are upside down at a time there is a seeming fall in education standards particularly in public schools.

Stakeholders warn more and more children, particularly the girl-child, would drop out of school if the government proceeded with what critics view as a “hare-brained” strategy to squeeze cash out of impoverished citizens.

They charged that it is clear the Mugabe’s administration is clueless about taking Zimbabwe but hard-pressed for cash hence the latest plan to punish parents and pupils.

Constitutional experts say one thing is clear though, the latest move is a clear violation of certain provisions of the new constitution passed two years ago by both Zanu PF and the two formations of the Movement for Democratic Change during the ill-fated years of the government of national unity which Mugabe collapsed in March 2013.Section 81 (1) of the constitution states that”every child, that is to say, every boy or girl, under the age of 18 years, has the right to education.” Section 75 (1) further provides that “Every citizen and a permanent resident of Zimbabwe has a right to basic statefunded education, including adult basic education, and that the state must take reasonable legislative and other measures, within the limits of the resources to it, to achieve the realisation of this right.”

Takavafira Zhou, an educationist and founder of the combative Progressive Teachers union of Zimbabwe, told Radio VOP in an interview that the major challenge with the Zanu PF government is lack of consultation, pointing out that it appears the regime operated along military style of command and control.

Zhou said there is virtually no basis for the increase of examination fees at ‘O’ level, let alone introduction of exam fees at Grade 7 level.

“The majority of pupils are from poor background and the increase and introduction of exam fees will unnecessarily heap burning coals upon the majority of people who have tested positive to poverty. Ultimately many pupils will fail to seat for examinations at Grade 7 and ‘O’ level thereby worsening the plight of children from poor background,” he said.

“Education is a right and not a privilege and if the government of Zimbabwe cannot guarantee such a right, the people of Zimbabwe must demand such a right by any means necessary. The Minister of Primary and Secondary Education must learn to consult widely and be alkaline to the generality of Zimbabweans rather than being acidic. The Cabinet must adopt pro-poor policies rather than pursuing neo-liberal policies amenable to market forces. At any rate, one advantage of localisation of exams is that it is cheap to run. It then baffles logic and common sense when the government constantly increases exam fees let alone introduce unnecessary exam fees.”

It is estimated that about 300,000 children are dropping out of school each year. While some children were dropping out after failing their O Levels, the majority were being forced to leave school due to economic hardships.

The figure of 300,000 school drop-outs, over a five year period, translates to between to 1, 5 million, a figure educationists admit “is too ghastly to contemplate.”

A research survey conducted during the time of ex-Education Minister David Coltart revealed that at least 197,000 primary school pupils drop out every year. Development analyst Maxwell Saungweme charged that the pending examinations fees were indeed a violation of the country’s constitution in many ways.

“Education is indeed a right to every child, especially primary education, which should be accessed by all. We know the government is very desperate for money at present, but you cannot solve the liquidity problems by squeezing every drop of blood left in citizens who are in daily survival battles,” said Saungweme.

“Zimbabweans are struggling a lot already to sustain the regime and sustain their own families. There are too many taxes in Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe is the country that levies the highest income taxes in Africa and the highest bank charges in the region. We also pay so many levies and taxes on everything we consume from groceries, water, electricity and even things such as AIDS Levy and infrastructure development surcharges when you book flights.

“This is too much. They cannot seek to sustain the bloated government and civil service by stumbling on our children’s rights to education. The solution lay in increasing business opportunities, growing the cake, removing corruption, increase opportunities for the people and jobs and generate revenues from taxes.

Exiled politicians Paul Siwela chipped in. “Zimbabweans enjoy being abused by Mugabe and would gladly accept and pay the required examination fees. How many rights have been abused before and people just became mute and how many court orders have been ignored and nothing happened so what is new today.”The Zimbabwe Rights Organisation (Zim-Rights) also condemned the government move, urging the government to abide by the constitution and reverse the pending measures.

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Opinion: “Opposition parties have betrayed the people”

Zimbabwe Independent

By Dumisano Nkomo

April 2 2015

Opposition political parties in Zimbabwe, especially the various MDC formations, are a disappointing lot that have continued to let the people down and the struggle for a just, democratic Zimbabwe.

Instead of focussing on mobilising the people on issues affecting them, they have continued to major on minor things and in effect have taken opposition politics back to the mid-1990s.They have become a microcosm of Zanu PF only that they are a lot weaker since they do not enjoy incumbency and the support of the coercive structures of the state such as the army, police and intelligence forces.

There are several factors that have weakened and continue to weaken opposition parties, particularly the MDCs. The foremost reason why the opposition parties have and will falter is their failure to unite as noted by Zapu leader Dumiso Dabengwa. The fact is the opposition will never win elections unless they form a formidable united front capable of challenging and defeating Zanu PF.

The only way the opposition can unseat Zanu PF in the next elections is by forming a formidable issue-based united democratic front which has segments of progressive breakaway Zanu PF members and a whole lot of new leaders between the ages of 25 to 50.

This united front should be inclusive including the MDC–T, MDC Renewal Team, MDC Green, National Constitutional Assembly and Zapu as well as progressive individuals and institutions. I do not agree with the many antics of the MDC–T, including blatant blundering by their leader Morgan Tsvangirai and cases of violence, intimidation, among others, within their party, but the fact is a united front without Tsvangirai and his party will be very weak. Likewise, a united front without MDC Renewal and MDC Green will be very weak because the two parties have rich intellectual capital and political history, but questionable grassroots support.

Zapu would be crucial with it’s rich ideology and links with former and current members of the military establishment. No one should come into this united front thinking that they ware or will be the automatic leader because it may actually be the best idea to choose somebody who is not even leading any of those parties to lead this new coalition so as to do away with all the history and excess baggage.

The MDC–T has let down the people of Zimbabwe by engaging in an exercise of political suicide by literally donating 21 seats to Zanu PF after “expelling” 21 of its MPs. If the MDC-T decides not to contest in the by-elections, it will literally be donating those seats to Zanu PF, hence betraying the people by failing to defend democratic space that they gained through the 2013 elections. If they participate they will confirm their status as perpetual flip-flops and masters of political acrobatics as a party that has no permanent position on anything and everything except being in perpetual opposition to anything and everything.

The recalling of the 21 MPs will also adversely affect any chances of a united opposition for the elections much to the joy of Zanu PF.

The United MDC is being bogged down by small-mindedness, personal interests and in some cases personal ambitions which override capacity.This will lead to a weak and fragmented opposition. Obviously, infiltration can never be ruled out as it is expected in politics in any country.

To enter into the rough domain of African politics and not expect infiltration would be the height of political naivety, hence opposition parties need sound intelligence infrastructure and stratagem built into their systems in order to deal with this ever present threat

A number of opposition MPs have turned themselves as into “Missing Persons” both in their own constituencies and in parliament. Nauseatingly, they enjoy being called “honourables” without understanding what it means first to be honourable .

The late Sihambile Jeqe Stephen Nkomo was an MP for over 20 years and he never, even for once, behaved unhonourably like this undeserving horde of MPs who have failed to hold even constituency feedback meetings with the people who elected them so as to give feedback on parliamentary proceedings.

Some have even failed to visit their constituencies and a most of them are just there to warm the benches. This is unlike the days of Micah Bhebhe, Sidney Malunga, Byron Hove, Edward Ndlovu and Lazaruzas Nzarayabani who gave ministers a tough time in parliament even though there were only one or two news outlets at the time. There are few exceptions though, like Jesse Majome and a few others, but most of them have failed to represent the people in parliament .

With the advent of information and communication technology, one would have thought opposition members of parliament would take advantage of Twitter and Facebook to engage their constituents, but alas, they are waiting for the next elections before they can open accounts on Facebook or Twitter.

Those who are active on social media, however, expend their energy on character assassination, petty fights among themselves.

Our opposition parties have failed to resonate with issues affecting ordinary people and have failed dismally to take advantage of factionalism within Zanu PF and instead they continue to disintegrate and create more parties like amoebas.

Unlike in South Africa, the United States and the United Kingdom, where politicians actively contribute their views on pertinent issues in newspaper columns so that people understand their policies and perspectives, most of our opposition politicians seem unable or unwilling to engage these mediums of communication. It was pleasing to see Moses Mzila-Ndlovu writing on the Maleme issue in a local paper. Others that have done well in this regard include David Coltart, Eddie Cross, Nhlanhla Ncube and Obert Gutu .

The times have changed and we need leaders that can engage the public on important national issues by taking their ideas onto public platforms.

Nkomo is Habakkuk Trust CEO and spokesperson of the Matabeleland Civil Society Forum. He writes in his personal capacity. E-mail: dumisani.nkomo@gmail.com

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Passport office now a shining example of civil service efficiency

NewsDay

By Phillip Chidavaenzi

31 March 2015

POSSESSION of a passport at the height of the country’s lost economic decade between 2000 and 2010 had become more than a gate pass to better career opportunities and a new life far away from home.

Hordes of people literally camped at Makombe Building as they sought to acquire travelling documents. Others were forced to keep vigil with the owls as they slept in queues hoping to be early enough to successfully apply for their passports.

Sally Machemedze (30) of Highfield acquired her passport in this milieu. She recalls the price she had to pay — which went beyond the official price of acquiring the travel document pegged at $52.

“I had to sleep in the queue at Makombe Building,” said Machemedze, who has been working in South Africa since 2009. “I wanted to be early so that I would be served. It was a nightmare.”

She was surprised when she came to Zimbabwe late last year for a visit that there had been a paradigm shift at the Passport Office as people were now walking in and out, having been served, within a few hours.

This was Luckson Marira’s experience in the last two months. He could not believe how easy it had become to acquire a passport.
“For a long time I thought I would perhaps bribe someone so that I can have my passport without any hassles,” he admitted.

He added that he confided in a friend with a cousin at the passport office that he was prepared to fork out an extra $20 and acquire his travelling document easily.

“Someone, however, told me it was not necessary, so I just decided to go there and experience it for myself,” he said.

A new order at Makombe Building

Marira crossed Samora Machel Avenue at about 5.45pm, walking along Harare Street on the day he had decided to go and apply for his passport. He saw a handful of people at a building close by.

“Are you going to the passport office? The queue starts here,” someone called out to him.

He enquired with an elderly lady in the queue and she confirmed that was the queue to the passport office.

A handful of young men, with their paraphernalia ready, were taking passport pictures and he promptly had his taken at a cost of $5.
“They no longer want people to queue at Makombe Building before the gates have been opened,” a young woman in the queue told him.

Given what he had been told, he feared that while queue was unbelievably short, it was probably going to swell as more people who would have greased some officials’ palms would arrive as this had been the culture at the passport office for many years.

About an hour later, at around 6.45am, the queue started moving orderly until it reached Makombe Building. At exactly 7 O’clock, the staff started serving people in the queue. Everything was so orderly and the staff so friendly Marira found it almost unbelievable.

He was ushered from one office to the next until the process was complete and at almost 9 o’clock, he was walking out of Makombe complex.

“Before the month was even over I received a text message on my phone saying my passport was ready for collection,” he said.
This was a departure from what had become the norm, with National Assembly Speaker Jacob Mudenda in November last year decrying the long queues that had become a permanent feature at the passport offices.

He described the situation as an insult to human dignity.

Speaking during the launch of the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) Nationality and Statelessness Handbook for parliamentarians in Harare, Mudenda said: “MPs need to push for speedy processing of passports for citizens because it is a right — it is not a privilege, and long queues are an affront to human dignity as it is wrong to have a cumbersome process of getting passports and other identity documents.”

Mudenda said the Legislature should come up with laws to ensure acquisition of passports was easy.

Recollections of the past

I still recall some time in October 2010, passing by Makombe Building. A middle-aged woman leaned against the fence, half her body covered with a wrapping cloth, as she tried to make herself comfortable.

It was just after six o’clock in the evening and darkness was slowly setting in, drawing more people into the nocturnal queue.

She would have preferred a night in the comfort of her home, but that “all-night session” was a sacrifice that would help her reap innumerable benefits.

She had to be among the early birds who would be lucky enough to be served and get that all-important document that had almost become the lease to her life.

“I don’t want to talk to you,” she said to me, drawing her small bag closer to her, after I had approached her.

Thieves reportedly abounded, targeting those desperados.

“I just want to get my passport and go,” she said reluctantly. Despite repeated efforts to extract more information from her, she refused to budge, but cracked a little.

“I hold a high position at work and it would not be good for my boss to find out that I’m here,” she said. She had skipped work claiming she was sick.

Here was a married woman, braving the night at the Registrar-General’s (RG) Office, just to acquire a basic document that is every citizen’s right.

In the same queue was another woman, who identified herself as Vimbiso. She was more forthcoming, perhaps hoping for an outlet to pour out her pent-up frustrations.

She had travelled from Marondera two days ago after reading in the newspapers that passport prices had been slashed to an affordable $50.

But, quickly, she learnt that in as much as the passport prices
had been slashed, it was going take much more than that amount to hold the travel document in her hands.

“I was late when I came the day before yesterday,” she said, “so I spent the night at a friend’s place.

“But that was a mistake because by the time I got here, the queue was so long I failed to get the passport.”

She had assumed that since the passports were now cheaper, she would just come and get one and kick-start her cross-border trading business.

“Now I have to sleep here tonight,” she says, pulling a small blanket from her bag, perhaps as irrevocable proof of her claim. “I have to get that passport and get back home.”

As a married woman, she admitted that her husband would not take it kindly if information leaked to him that she had slept outside the Registrar-General’s Office fence.

“It’s just one of those things you’ll make sure he’ll not find about,” she said with a laugh. “All I need is to get that passport.”
This were familiar tales, which were enough to make many, including myself, reluctant to go to Makombe Building to either acquire, or renew, expired passports.

These women’s experiences were all I needed to shelve my own plans to renew my outdated passport. But a month ago, I really felt I needed to have a new passport and, together with my wife, decided to go to Makombe Building.

Registrar-General crafts new work ethic

Many people have expressed shock at how staff at the RG’s Office were now efficient and have prioritised customer service.

The RG’s Office intensified the issuance of passports last year in a bid to cope with the increasing demand for travel documents.

The move saw them issuing an average of 2 241 passports a day up from 1 936 in 2012.

Registrar-General Tobaiwa Mudede last year confirmed that the modus operandi at the passport office had changed for the better.

“We are issuing passports within a day and in three days,” he said during a Press conference. “The other passport is presently issued within four weeks from the standard time of six months.”

This is a departure from the past where corruption had become the order of the day at the passport office.

Former MP David Coltart recently experienced the new wave at the passport office and was “pleasantly surprised”.

Following the theft of a briefcase containing four family passports, he dreaded the prospect of having to apply for new passports.

“I have to say that I was very pleasantly surprised by what I found,” he said, adding that he was treated with courtesy efficiency.

“The following day the entire process was completed in a similar way. I found all the staff friendly and committed to providing an efficient service.”

He said the team at the passport office was leading by example in the country’s civil service.

Some passport seekers, however, have expressed concern over the unavailability of application forms on the passport office’s website.

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Jonathan Moyo welcomes Tsvangirai ‘gift’, vows to reclaim Tsholotsho North

New Zimbabwe.Com

17 March 2015

INFORMATION minister Jonathan Moyo has vowed to reclaim Tsholotsho North constituency for the ruling Zanu PF party in forthcoming by-elections.

Moyo lost the seat in the 2013 elections to Roseline Nkomo, then of the opposition MDC-T, and failed with subsequent efforts to have the result over-turned in court.

But Nkomo has now been expelled from Parliament, thanks to a decision by the Morgan Tsvangirai-led MDC-T to have her recalled for crossing the floor.

Curiously, Tsvangirai has vowed not to contest any new elections, meaning the constituency will most likely return to Moyo and Zanu PF.

Nkomo was one of the MPs who ditched the MDC-T to form the MDC Renewal Team after Tsvangirai refused to step down in bitter recriminations that followed the opposition party’s 2013 election disaster.

The former premier however, successfully petitioned Parliament to have all the 17 rebel legislators expelled from Parliament.

Following the decision, Zanu PF political commissar, Saviour Kasukuwere called Moyo to arms saying on Twitter: “Jonso bring back our constituency. Bring it back home!”

The information minister obliged, telling Kasukuwere that: “Copied Cde National Commissar. This is a case of a lost but found constituency.”

All the MDC formations have ruled out participating in new lections until reforms are implemented to ensure credible polling.

Former education minister David Coltart lamented Tsvangirai’s move to recall the legislators.

He said: “Given that the MDC-T say they’re boycotting by-elections, are they happy to hand these seats over to Zanu PF?

“One thing is crystal clear from Twitter – both Jonathan Moyo and Saviour Kasukuwere issued deliriously happy tweets about the move. Talk about shooting yourself in the foot.”

Welshman Ncube, leader of Coltart’s MDC formation, confirmed that the party would not contest the by-elections.

“We’ll not contest. We’ve not contested in a single by-election since the 2013 elections, whether for council or Parliament and we’ve said it several times that we don’t want to take part in any by election,” he said.

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Zimbabwe Parliament expels 21 opposition rebels

Times Live

17 March 2015

Zimbabwe’s speaker of parliament on Tuesday agreed to a request from the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) to expel 21 legislators who have broken away from the Morgan Tsvangirai-led party, an official said.

The 17 MPs and four senators are all part of the MDC-Renewal Team, which is led by the MDC’s former secretary general Tendai Biti. Biti, a lawyer, is extremely critical of Tsvangirai, accusing him of corruption and dictatorial tendencies.

The seats have been declared vacant and by-elections will be held.

Confirming the speaker’s decision, Jacob Mafume, spokesman for Biti’s breakaway faction, said: “There is only one winner in this and it is the Zanu-PF faction fronted by Emmerson Mnangagwa, which desperately wants more parliamentarians to counter the ones that [former vice president Joice] Mujuru has.”

Mafume told Sapa: “Morgan Tsvangirai has again worked with Zanu-PF, thinking that it’ll benefit him.”

President Robert Mugabe’s Zanu-PF is divided between supporters of new vice president Mnangagwa and the former incumbent Mujuru, who was sacked in December. These by-elections give Mnangagwa’s faction — which is on the up — a chance to fill up seats with their preferred candidates, especially if, as is being anticipated, Tsvangirai’s party boycotts the vote.

The opposition is not fielding candidates in two by-elections this month, saying reforms are needed.

Zimbabwean journalist @nqabamatshazi tweeted: “Will MDC-T boycott these by-elections that they have caused? May someone explain the logic of this to me. I am lost.”

The MDC won a total of 70 seats in the upper and lower houses of parliament in the 2013 elections.

Senator David Coltart, who served as education minister in the 2009 to 2013 coalition government, tweeted: “There is no doubt in my mind that many of the 21 MPs expelled were some of the brightest and parliament will be all the poorer without them.”

But supporters of Tsvangirai were happy.

“That’s gr8 news but we should field candidates for those seats and stop this by-election boycott,” Michael Moyo wrote on an MDC Facebook page.

Harare analyst Pedzisai Ruhanya, of the Zimbabwe Democracy Institute, told Sapa that he did not believe Tsvangirai’s faction would boycott by-elections.

“I don’t think they were attempting to simply donate these seats to Zanu-PF,” he said, adding: “Without doubt, Zanu-PF will get some of the seats.”

Zanu-PF’s Saviour Kasukuwere, the environment minister, tweeted: “UMDC…21 seats…am waiting for these seats.”

MDC-Renewal recently merged with another breakaway opposition faction to form the UMDC (United Movement for Democratic Change).

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‘Tears From Inside’ Documentary Gives A Voice To Victims Of Sexual Violence In Zimbabwe

www.bustle.com

13th March 2015

By Kirsten O’Regan

A documentary that seeks to shed light on Zimbabwe’s child rape and sexual abuse crisis has just been launched in the capital city of Harare. Local producer and director Collen Magobeya made Tears from Inside in a bid to raise awareness of the country’s rampant sexual violence, and hopefully to counteract its prevalence. The thirty-minute long production tells the true stories of three victims of sexual violence, whose voices are usually silenced. In a country where one rape occurs every ninety minutes and approximately 1.4 million people are living with HIV, these are voices that need to be heard.

“The objective behind this documentary is to create [a] thirst among stakeholders, Government and non-government, to address the plight of women and children,” Magobeya told Zimbabwean newspaper The Herald at the initial screening. In 2012, Zimbabwe was rocked by the news that rapes were on the increase, with children bearing the brunt of sexual attacks. The news was particularly shocking considering that the country’s rape statistics two years before had prompted The Guardian to refer to a “child rape epidemic” in the country.

In this context, the stories contained in Tears from Inside can be seen as incidents isolated from a broad sea of injustice. “They turned the car off the road,” says one figure as she recalls her abuse at the hands of men who had offered her a lift, face pixelated to preserve her anonymity. “They raped me anally and vaginally, one after the other.” It’s a nightmare story, but one that is too seldom heard in Zimbabwe despite the fact that many women (and men) have similar experiences.

Because of the tense situation in the country, advocacy organizations have faced political pressure in the past. According to The Guardian, organization founders have becoming the target of threats and forced into exile. Rapes are thought to be radically under-reported. “A number of girls seem not to know what sexual abuse is and hence most of them are silent victims of sexual abuse,” sociologist Darlington Nyabiko told the Zimbabwean newspaper Newsday in 2012.

During the early 2000s, the country experienced an uptick in politically motivated sexual attacks, often perpetrated by the country’s pro-government militias. In 2003, Amnesty International warned of “mounting reports of rape and sexual torture by the militia, continuing the pattern seen before presidential elections in March 2002.” According to IRIN News, rape was employed to quell support for parties standing in opposition to the country’s longstanding Zanu-PF government, headed by President Robert Mugabe.

In 2009, one Harare clinic reported dealing with twenty cases of child sexual abuse daily. Then-education minister David Coltart told The Guardian that economic instability, the breakdown of the family unit, and collapse of social welfare had contributed to a pervasive atmosphere of aggression and fear across the country. He said the prevalence of rape (with 20 cases of child sexual abuse dealt with per day, at just one Harare clinic) could be linked to this broader social chaos:

In the last few decades we allowed a culture of violence to pervade our society … It’s compounded by the fact that those responsible are generally immune from prosecution. The breakdown of the rule of law means this culture is all-pervasive. It is not just intra-political parties. It spreads to domestic violence and the abuse of children.
By last year, little had changed for the better. A report from ZimStat, quoted by Bulawayo 24 News, found that one in three girls is raped or sexually abused before she reaches the age of eighteen. The majority of rape victims were under the age of sixteen.

Netty Musanhi of the Msasa Project (an organization dedicated to assisting vulnerable women with domestic problems) told Bulawayo24 that the recent statistics were unsurprising but an important catalyst for change. “We need to change our mindset as a nation. Government also needs to put stiffer mandatory sentence against perpetrators of rape. This will help in a big way to reduce cases of rape and sexual abuse,” she said.

The health risks for rape victims in Zimbabwe are ramped up considerably by the prevalence of HIV/AIDS in the country. One of the young victims in Tears from Inside tested positive to HIV after her brutal rape, in a scenario that must be relatively common. UNAIDS statistics from 2013 suggest that fifteen percent of Zimbabwean adults aged 15 to 49 are HIV positive; sixty percent of those infected are women. An estimated 900,000 Zimbabwean children have been orphaned by the disease.

Poor institutions, a lack of antiretroviral drugs and a struggling economy have made combating the HIV epidemic problematic. However, Bishow Parajuli — a representative from the United Nations Development Programme — writes today in The Herald that the country has seen a twenty six percent drop in new infections, despite little development assistance relative to neighboring countries. For a country with one of the highest prevalence of HIV in the world, any reduction in rates of infection is a good thing.

And things only look set to improve — Zimbabwe will begin an HIV vaccine trial later this year, according to The International Business Times. The vaccine, which was developed in Thailand, has been shown to be moderately effective at lowering HIV infection rates.

Now if only this level of decisiveness deterrence could be implemented in the country against sexual abuse. A still-pertinent 2012 statement for Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights gives an idea of what such a strategy might look like:

In Zimbabwe there are laws that protect society against family violence and abuse, rape, sexual assault and other gender-based violence, but these laws are meaningless without effective, fearless and sustained implementation by the police, prosecutors and the courts against any and every perpetrator … ZLHR urges institutions of justice delivery to ensure that the prosecution of perpetrators of domestic and gender-based violence is carried out expeditiously, publicly, and in a manner that encourages other victims of gender-based violence to report their cases with confidence that the law will protect and vindicate them.
If nothing else, Tears from Inside is at least bringing some of these cases out of the shadows and into the light.

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Kidnapping rattles Zim activists

Mail and Guardian

By Takudzwa Munyaka

13th March 2015

The abduction this week of Zimbabwean journalist and pro-democracy activist Itai Dzamara has put activists in the country on edge. There is a widespread yet unconfirmed belief that Itai Dzamara was abducted by agents of the feared Central Intelligence Organisation.

The abduction put an end to what appeared to be a climate of improved political tolerance in the country.

Amnesty International has called on the Zimbabwean government to investigate the matter immediately.

Dzamara (36) was kidnapped by five men in Harare’s Glen View township on Monday morning when he was leaving a barber’s shop. The kidnappers are reported to have been in plain clothes and to have accused Dzamara of stealing cattle. They handcuffed him, forced him into a white bakkie with concealed number plates and drove off. His whereabouts are unknown.

Police spokesperson Charity Charamba confirmed the kidnapping and said police were investigating.

But there is a widespread yet unconfirmed belief that Dzamara was abducted by agents of the feared Central Intelligence Organisation, which is notorious for conducting this kind of operation.

A thorn in the flesh
Dzamara was increasingly becoming a thorn in the flesh for President Robert Mugabe’s regime. In October last year, he delivered a petition to Mugabe’s Munhumutapa offices in Harare to demand that the president step down immediately and pave the way for fresh elections.

A month later he was beaten and left for dead by the police after leading protests in Harare’s central business district. The protests, dubbed “Occupy Africa Unity Square”, demanded Mugabe’s resignation for failing to deliver on his electoral promises.

This year, Dzamara and members of the National Youth Action Alliance invaded the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission’s offices to hand over a petition demanding that the ­commission should admit that it is seriously incapacitated and not able to act independently.

Dzamara was also a central figure responsible for mobilising demonstrators to protest against planned electricity tariff increases by the Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority last month.

“The abduction of Dzamara is deeply alarming,” said Noel Kututwa, Amnesty Inter­national Southern Africa’s deputy director for research. “The Zimbabwean authorities, especially the police, must urgently institute a search operation and do all within their power to ensure his safe return.”

Dzamara’s case has been taken up by Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights, which helped his wife, Sheffra Dzamara, to make a missing person’s report at Glen View police station.

“Since his disappearance on Monday, his mobile phone has been switched off and he has not had any contact with his wife, family and friends. Dzamara is being held incommunicado from his family and lawyers,” the organisation said in a statement. “His detention is illegal and violates fundamental rights protected under the Constitution of Zim­babwe.”

The organisation said Dzamara’s wife first went to the Harare central police station to file a formal missing person report, but the police refused to fill out the document and said she had to file the report at the Glen Norah police station.

“Lawyers have since filed an urgent habeas corpus application to compel whoever is holding Dzamara to bring him before the court so as to determine if he should really be in detention,” the organisation said.

Sordid history of abductions, deaths and disappearances

Zimbabwe’s state security agents have in the past been accused of torture, abductions and, in some cases, murder.

•?One of the high-profile cases that gripped the country was the disappearance in 1990 of Rashiwe Guzha, a typist in the Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO). Her alleged former lover and boss – the late CIO deputy director, Edson Shirihuru – was implicated in her disappearance. Shirihuru died in August 1993 while awaiting trial for Guzha’s abduction and disappearance.

•?In 2000, Patrick Nabanyana, an election agent for the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) legislator David Coltart, was dragged out of his home in Bulawayo by unknown men and has not been seen since.

•?In 2007, Edward Chikomba, a freelance cameraman and former employee of the state television company, was abducted by men in plain clothes from his Harare home.

He was found dead two days later 80km from Harare. Several reports said his killing was related to the footage he sold to international media of a badly injured opposition leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, who had been beaten in police custody.

•?Shortly after Robert Mugabe lost the first round of presidential elections to Tsvangirai in 2008, MDC activist Tonderai Ndira was taken out of his home in Harare, allegedly by eight armed men wearing masks and dressed in plain clothes.

His body was found in a Harare morgue by his brother Cosmas a week later.

•?Also in 2008, prominent human rights activist and Zimbabwe Peace Project director Jestina Mukoko was abducted during the night from her home north of Harare by state agents for allegedly being involved in plans for antigovernment demonstrations.

Mukoko, a former newsreader for state television, was accused of recruiting youths for military training with the opposition MDC.

She was released on bail three months after her abduction in March 2009. Mukoko was tortured for information and was moved among different interrogators.

Among other torture methods, her interrogators forced her to kneel in gravel for hours, denied her sleep and medication, and beat the soles of her feet for days.

Her whereabouts had been unknown for a considerable time, during which the police denied she was in their custody. She was later found in police cells

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Tsvangirai accused of ‘hijacking’ abduction case

The Citizen

SAPA

11th March 2015

Zimbabwe’s ruling party has accused Movement for Democratic Change leader Morgan Tsvangirai of “hijacking” the abduction of a pro-democracy activist in a bid to drum up support for the opposition, it was reported on Wednesday.

Journalist and activist Itai Dzamara, 36, was still missing following his abduction from a barber shop in a Harare township on Monday.

Rights group Amnesty International described his abduction as “deeply alarming”.

Zanu-PF spokesman Simon Khaya Moyo told the Herald newspaper: “I do not even know the person in question [Dzamara] but [Tsvangirai] is trying to find a case to please his masters because they have nothing to offer the people.”

Tsvangirai on Tuesday said he held President Robert Mugabe and his party responsible for Dzamara’s abduction.

The activist had been holding protests in central Harare calling for Mugabe to resign since late last year and has allegedly previously been beaten and abducted by police and suspected state agents.
However, Moyo insisted Zanu-PF was “not lawless”.

“If they reported to police we are law-abiding and if there is anybody who commits a crime, police know what to do,” Moyo told the Herald.

The MDC and government critics say the police are biased against the opposition.

Opposition politician and lawyer David Coltart said on Wednesday Dzamara’s disappearance was “another in a long line of people over the last three decades”.
Coltart wrote on Facebook: “I demand that those responsible release him immediately. This appalling conduct must end if Zimbabwe is to progress.”

Relatives of Dzamara, whose Twitter account says he is the founder of Trinity Media in Zimbabwe, travelled to Goromonzi on the outskirts of Harare on Tuesday to investigate claims of a body there, but found nothing, lawyer Charles Kwaramba told Sapa.

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Zimsec pins hope on gridlock technology

The Standard

By Phyllis Mbanje

1st March 2015

After years of being buffeted by numerous examination leakages, embarrassing boobs, and corruption scandals, the Zimbabwe Schools Examination Council (Zimsec) is desperately pinning its hopes on the electronic seals which it hopes will redeem its dented image and restore public confidence.

Zimbabwe has a history of examination leakages and what has been glaringly missing is the initiative to plug the loopholes that have been taken advantage of by some greedy headmasters or teachers out to make a quick buck.

But now Zimsec is making frantic firefighting efforts to defend its existence and relevance and that has come in the form of the electronic seals.

The software, which is called gridlock technology, consists of a box the size of a briefcase in which all the papers are stored. Once locked the case will only be opened via a remote system which will be operated at Zimsec offices in Harare.

Early this year Zimsec director Esau Nhandara said if anyone tampered with the lock, they would be able to pick that up.

The eagerly-anticipated technology will be piloted this year and will be used for the O’Level examinations, which have been the worst affected.
But concerns are abound that the corrupt practices and the gaps remain, and for as long as they are not addressed, similar incidents would recur, costing government millions of dollars in examination retakes and investigations.

“They have taken a better route but there is need to close all the possible gaps,” said former minister of education David Coltart.

Last year four O’ Level papers — English 1 and 2, Maths 1 and 2 — had to be rewritten after it emerged that there had been a leakage at Whata School in Midlands. This was not the first, second or third time either that examination papers had been leaked, or that there was some sort of bungling in the handling of the whole exercise.

Another embarrassing incident that had the nation in a big uproar was the botched Grade Seven Ndebele paper of 2013 which had some serious misinterpretation of the language.

Defending the blunder, Nhandara issued a statement in which he alluded to the fact that a team of experts had approved the paper and that it was above board.

“The paper is set by 10 experts from Matabeleland South, Matabeleland North, Midlands and Bulawayo. These experts include college Ndebele lecturers both at Primary and Secondary level who train teachers, education experts from the Curriculum Development Unit (CDU) and practising primary classroom teachers,” he wrote.

He argued that some terms which the generality of the people may find to be derogatory were Ndebele words which, when used, should not be taken out of context.

“Zimsec has no desire to undermine the integrity and heritage of any language in Zimbabwe. It endeavours to examine all the 16 indigenous languages identified in the constitution of Zimbabwe without any prejudice,” he said.

Legislators have also called for a complete overhaul of Zimsec which they say has failed an already ailing education system.

During one of their heated debates last year, members of parliament said that the repeated leakages were costing the body its reputation and credibility in delivering top examinations.

Hurungwe West MP Temba Mliswa even suggested that Zimsec be capacitated enough to own facilities to print exam papers so they would have control over the process.

The legislators said they now doubted the results because they may not be a true reflection of the pupils’ capabilities.

They were also not happy that headmasters used public transport when carrying examination papers. This followed a 2012 incident in which acting headmaster from some school in Bubi lost the papers while travelling from Bulawayo to his school.

Coltart said the solution was hinged on how the papers were delivered and secured thereafter.

“What was lacking was the safe reliable means of transporting the papers. We read about headmaster using public transport, that am hopeful will be addressed by the new electronic seals,” he said.
Commenting on the tattered image of Zimsec, Coltart said every time there was a leak, it reflected badly on the body.

However, the Zimsec spokesperson Nicolette Dhlamini said their integrity was still intact and they were still the best at what they do.

“Examination leakages are not peculiar to Zimbabwe, it’s everywhere in the region,” she said.

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