News 24

News24 Correspondent

Harare – Zimbabwean presidential hopeful Emmerson Mnangagwa would be “poorly advised” to sue over claims in a recently-published book that he may have helped incite a notorious massacre, the book’s author David Coltart said Tuesday.

Lawyers for Mnangagwa were “currently perusing” former education minister Coltart’s book before deciding what action to take, a statement from the vice president’s office said.

Mnangagwa has taken exception to a local newspaper review of Coltart’s The Struggle Continues, in which Mnangagwa is reported to have told a rally not far from the southern Lupane district in the early 1980s that the government “had the option of burning down all villages infested with dissidents”.

Rights groups say up to 20 000 Zimbabweans were killed during the 1983-1987 Gukurahundi massacres after President Robert Mugabe sent his North Korean-trained Fifth Brigade into Matabeleland to put down a rebellion.

The statement from Mnangagwa’s office reads: “At no stage during the 1980s did [Mnangagwa] address a rally in Lupane, nor did he at any other venue utter those words.”

But Zimbabweans on social media have pointed out that Coltart is drawing from news reports from the time.

Chronicle editor Mduduzi Mathuthu posted photographs of articles published in the newspaper in 1983 in which Mnangagwa reportedly compared dissidents to “cockroaches and bugs”.

Coltart, a lawyer who served as education minister during the 2009-2013 coalition government, tweeted: “ED [Emmerson Dambudzo] will be very poorly advised to sue.”

Mnangagwa leads one of two factions fighting for power in Mugabe’s ruling Zanu-PF party. The other faction – which appears to be on the up at the moment – is led by the G40, a group of younger politicians who may have the backing of Grace Mugabe.

Mugabe has called the Gukurahundi killings a “moment of madness”.

Herald

22 March 2016

Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa has dismissed as false and malicious, claims by former Education Minister David Coltart that he had made inflammatory statements that could have fomented Gukurahundi killings in the late 1980s.

Mr Coltart’s sentiments were published in Alpha Media Holdings’ Southern Eye edition last week.

In a statement yesterday, VP Mnangagwa said: “The Vice President and Minister of Justice, legal and Parliamentary Affairs of the Republic of Zimbabwe, Honourable E.D. Mnangagwa, has noted with concern the contents of an article entitled ‘Coltart shines light on VP’s Gukurahundi role’ which appeared in the Southern Eye section of the Newsday edition of 17th March 2016.

“The article purports to be quoting extracts from Mr David Coltart’s autobiography. The Newsday article reports that Mr David Coltart alleges in his autobiography that the Honourable Vice President E.D, Mnangagwa addressed a rally in Lupane on a date that is not specified, but sometime in the 1980s and said that the Government had the option of “burning down…. All villages infested with dissidents” amongst other statements inciting violence against civilians.

“The Vice President E.D. Mnangagwa wishes to communicate that all statements attributed to him in this article are a total fabrication and that at no stage during the 1980s did he address a rally in Lupane nor did he at any other venue utter those words in the article in question.

“The Vice President’s legal practitioners are currently perusing Mr David Coltart’s autobiography to ascertain the accuracy of the report in the Newsday newspaper before considering appropriate action to be taken to address these false and malicious statements.”

The article futher quoted Mr Coltart as stating that VP Mnangagwa addressing the same Lupane rally said: “The campaign against dissidents can only succeed if the infrastructure which nurtures them is destroyed.”

It goes on to say that the VP described dissidents as “cockroaches” and the Fifth Brigade as “DDT”, a deadly pesticide used to exterminate vermin. The Newsday article further quoted Mr Coltart saying that the VP had said: “Blessed are they who will follow the path of the government laws, for their days on earth will be increased. But woe unto those who will choose the path of collaboration with disssidents for we will certainly shorten their stay on Earth.”

Southern Eye

22 March 2016

VICE-PRESIDENT Emmerson Mnangagwa’s role in the Gukurahundi massacres has once again been thrust into the limelight, with former Education minister David Coltart accusing him of making inflammatory statements that could have formented the killings.

In his autobiography, The Struggle Continues: 50 years of Tyranny in Zimbabwe, Coltart insinuates Mnangagwa and Defence minister Sydney Sekeramayi could have known more about the 1980s killings than President Robert Mugabe.

At a rally near Lupane district, Coltart alleged Mnangagwa said the government had an option of “burning down … all villages infested with dissidents”.

“The campaign against dissidents can only succeed if the infrastructure which nurtures them is destroyed,” Mnangagwa was quoted saying.

Coltart said Mnangagwa described dissidents as “cockroaches” and the Fifth Brigade as “DDT”, a deadly pesticide used to exterminate vermin.

While Mnangagwa’s role in the 1980s killings has been written on extensively, the nature of the inflammatory language used was likely to undermine the Vice-President, who is reportedly under siege in Zanu PF’s factional wars.

The term “cockroach” featured prominently in the media ahead of Rwanda’s genocide in 1994, and its use to describe people has been classified as hate speech.

Mnangagwa, then Security minister, reportedly working in cahoots with the army under Sekeramayi, is said to have ranted at a meeting in Matabeleland North.

“Blessed are they who will follow the path of the government laws, for their days on earth will be increased. But woe unto those who will choose the path of collaboration with dissidents for we will certainly shorten their stay on earth,” Coltart claims Mnangagwa said.

As the killings escalated, Coltart said Mike Auret, bishops Henry Karlen, Helmut Reckter and Patrick Mutume, who were documenting the violence under the auspices of the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace (CCJP) approached Mugabe, Mnangagwa and Sekeramayi to present a report on the Matabeleland situation.

“Mugabe promised to look into their concerns, but said he doubted ‘innocent civilians were being violated in any way’,” Coltart wrote.

The clerics are said to have informed Mugabe of their intention to write a pastoral letter on the killings, which they did, but he responded angrily.

“Mugabe reacted angrily refuting the allegations and calling the authors ‘a band of Jeremiahs (which) included reactionary foreign journalists, non-government organisations of dubious status in our midst, and sanctimonious prelates,” Coltart quoted the then Prime Minister.

Coltart also reiterated that former Midlands governor, Cephas Msipa took concerns on the alleged killings to Mugabe and the President called for a meeting at the Bulawayo State House.

“Msipa records that it was ‘as if a rally had been called’ with people arriving at State House on bicycles and on foot. Once again Mugabe heard chilling evidence for two hours from survivors,” Coltart writes.

“Msipa records that after listening to their impassioned pleas, Mugabe said he ‘was sorry to hear what was happening’ but also implored people to stop ‘supporting dissidents’.”

Msipa yesterday confirmed Coltart’s version of events.

“It is true Mugabe requested that as many people were invited to meet him in Bulawayo. It was a free-for-all.

Welshman Mabhena and Amos Mkwananzi had requested to meet Mugabe over the atrocities and after he had heard the people’s stories, he (Mugabe) summed it up saying: ‘I am sorry for what is happening and government will do everything in its power to stop it, but you people must stop supporting dissidents’,” he said.

Coltart said he had not appreciated the depth of the calamity unfolding until late in 1983, when Mugabe appointed a commission of enquiry headed by lawyer, Simplisious Chihambakwe and people began to appear before it.

“It was here that the CCJP brought hundreds of Fifth Brigade victims so that affidavits could be recorded from them. I sat before woman after woman (the survivors were overwhelmingly female), recording the most horrendous evidence of crimes against humanity,” he wrote.

“Sitting at a table in the hall, one woman after another, told me how her husband, father, brother, son, uncle, grandfather, nephew had been gunned down before their very eyes; how whole families had been herded into huts – men, women and children, even babies – which were then locked from the outside and set alight. It was here that I heard about pregnant women who had been bayonetted.”

An estimated 20 000 people were killed during the Gukurahundi massacres between 1982 and 1987.

News24

22 March 2016

This is after Zanu-PF big wig took exception to a review of opposition politician’s new book The Struggle Continues

Zim VP mulling legal action against ex-minister over ‘massacre’ claims

Harare – Zimbabwean presidential hopeful Emmerson Mnangagwa would be “poorly advised” to sue over claims in a recently-published book that he may have helped incite a notorious massacre, the book’s author David Coltart said Tuesday.

Lawyers for Mnangagwa were “currently perusing” former education minister Coltart’s book before deciding what action to take, a statement from the vice president’s office said.

Mnangagwa has taken exception to a local newspaper review of Coltart’s The Struggle Continues, in which Mnangagwa is reported to have told a rally not far from the southern Lupane district in the early 1980s that the government “had the option of burning down all villages infested with dissidents”.
Rights groups say up to 20 000 Zimbabweans were killed during the 1983-1987 Gukurahundi massacres after President Robert Mugabe sent his North Korean-trained Fifth Brigade into Matabeleland to put down a rebellion.

The statement from Mnangagwa’s office reads: “At no stage during the 1980s did [Mnangagwa] address a rally in Lupane, nor did he at any other venue utter those words.”
But Zimbabweans on social media have pointed out that Coltart is drawing from news reports from the time.

Chronicle editor Mduduzi Mathuthu posted photographs of articles published in the newspaper in 1983 in which Mnangagwa reportedly compared dissidents to “cockroaches and bugs”.

Coltart, a lawyer who served as education minister during the 2009-2013 coalition government, tweeted: “ED [Emmerson Dambudzo] will be very poorly advised to sue.”
Mnangagwa leads one of two factions fighting for power in Mugabe’s ruling Zanu-PF party. The other faction – which appears to be on the up at the moment – is led by the G40, a group of younger politicians who may have the backing of Grace Mugabe.

Mugabe has called the Gukurahundi killings a “moment of madness”.

Radio VOP

25 February 2016

Harare, February 25, 2016 – FORMER South African president Thabo Mbeki has all but confirmed the African National Congress (ANC) complicity in President Robert Mugabe’s continued misrule with critics saying Mbeki’s quiet diplomacy contributed to the failure of the government of national unity (GNU).

Mbeki, who was removed as the leader of the ANC in 2009, has come under renewed fire after he disclosed his role in ensuring Mugabe remained in power despite losing elections to opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai in 2008.
During his reign, Mbeki maintained “quiet diplomacy” on Zimbabwe, refusing to rebuke Mugabe even at the height of Mugabe’s controversial land reform programme which saw nearly a dozen white commercial farmers killed by his militant supporters and thousands of their workers displaced.

Mbeki never raised a finger after Mugabe unleashed institutions of violence against opponents, particularly the MDC-T, which the South African leader labelled agents of regime change.
But Mbeki has stunned the world further by disclosing that Mugabe delayed land reform in Zimbabwe to help the ANC negotiate with the then apartheid regime leading to South Africa’s democracy in 1994.
Critics say the revelations give credence to assertions the former ANC leader deliberately turned a blind eye to bad governance and human rights abuses in Harare for political expedience.
They point out Mbeki and his government never faulted Zimbabwe’s land reform exercise and electoral processes despite being mired in overt violence, including killings on farmers and opposition followers especially during 2000 and 2008.

The MDC-T estimates about 300 of its supporters were killed in cold blood in state-sponsored violence during the 2008 presidential run-off election violence.
Disclosures Mugabe rejected advice to conduct fresh polls after the bloody 2008 presidential run-off polls make Mbeki and the ANC government complicit in Zimbabwe’s dictatorship.
Instead of asking Mugabe to stand down, Mbeki cobbled a power-sharing pact which left Mugabe with all his previous powers.

But critics say Mbeki is also known and remembered for refusing to make public a security report which determined that Zimbabwe’s 2002 presidential polls were not free and fair.
He has further claimed that South Africa was vehemently against the removal of Mugabe by force allegedly by Britain and the United States of America, saying the ANC wanted Zimbabweans to decide their future.
But critics canvassed by RadioVOP Wednesday slammed Mbeki, pointing out Zimbabweans have a right to chart their future not the ANC and its mandarins which continue to maintain its quiet diplomacy on Zimbabwe as well as defend Mugabe often blamed for poor leadership.

After Mugabe’s disputed re-election in the June 2008 presidential elections, Mbeki cajoled the opposition led by Morgan Tsvangirai to forge a government of national unity (GNU) which also featured Welshman Ncube’s formation of the MDC.

Maxwell Saungweme, a development analyst closely following Zimbabwe’s politics, says Mbeki’s diplomacy is what led to the futile GNU.
“Mugabe survived in 2008 partly because of the support he had from Mbeki in the region. Yes, Mbeki would have persuaded Mugabe to run a peaceful poll, but his diplomacy was not supported by commensurate measures that would ensure compliance and that would practically dissuade Mugabe from embarking on an undemocratic poll.

“He needed to match his persuasion with clear deterrent measures, which did not happen. Diplomacy is about giving and taking, not just giving! But instead he supported Mugabe,” charged Saungweme.
David Coltart, who served as a minister under Mugabe in the coalition government and is privy to the negotiations to form the coalition under Mbeki, added his voice on the issue.
“Aside from whatever Mbeki did or did not do regarding farmers, the fact is that in 2002 he hid the fact that Mugabe was illegally elected by withholding the Khampepe report. Because of this he was complicit in denying the will of the Zimbabwean electorate.”

Ricky Mukonza, a political analyst based in South Africa, did not mince his words, accusing Mbeki of tacitly endorsing what the Mugabe regime was doing during the height of repression in Zimbabwe.
“With the aid of hindsight, it can be concluded that quiet diplomacy was a Mbeki way of propping up the Mugabe regime. Having listened to his recent interviews I am convinced that the man was indirectly involved in the perpetuation of bad governance in the country.”

Be that as it may, critics claim Mbeki’s disclosures could be calculated to ensure Mugabe gets a soft landing when he decides to eventually exit politics.
Mugabe turned 92 on Sunday but has not shown any signs of slowing down. He has refused to at least name a successor.

The dog-fights in Zanu PF are blamed for the internecine factional battles in the party to succeed him.

Newsday

BY JAIROS SAUNYAMA

NINE-YEAR-OLD Zvikomborero Mhondiwa (not real name) of Watershed area in Hwedza has to take her mother’s wrapping cloth to school every day.

The school, Guruuswa Primary, was established during the land reform exercise around 2000.

The government has done little to construct decent structures for the hundreds of pupils, who are currently learning in tobacco barns left behind by an evicted white farmer. Both the primary and secondary school pupils share the tobacco barns.

“There are not enough benches in the classroom and we sit on the floor, so I bring this wrapper so I spread it on the rough floor to avoid dirt,” Zvikomborero, a Grade 3 pupil said.

Parents in the resettlement areas said they have begun constructing classrooms, but the pace was very slow due to limited resources.

“Our children have been learning in these tobacco barns. We are hoping that their plight will be addressed by relevant authorities soon. As parents, we have started contributing both financial and labour resources to construct a few blocks,” Rosemary Tapera said.

The parents provided bricks, pit sand and other locally available building materials.

Parents were worried that Guruuswa School was in a dire state, as the tobacco barns were now dilapidated and poorly ventilated.

A primary school teacher at the institution, who declined to be named, said the learning environment was harsh given the unavailability of proper infrastructure.

“The children have adapted to this learning environment, but the truth remains there is need for proper infrastructure. The barns do not provide enough classroom space and pupils are being squashed,” the teacher said.

This mirrors the situation at a number of schools in resettlement areas across the country. Some pupils were said to be learning under trees due to shortage of infrastructure.

Over 300 000 families moved to resettlement areas at the height of the land reform programme, where there were no schools, forced government to establish satellite schools largely manned by non-qualified teachers.

Former Education minister David Coltart said the education of children at resettlement schools was not secure.

“The chaotic situation prevailing regarding the education of children in resettlement areas is a direct result of the unplanned nature of the land programme implemented since 2000. Instead of building the infrastructure needed, including schools, clinics, roads and hospitals, people were moved without any of these structures in place,” he said.

Coltart said during his tenure as a minister in the coalition government, he raised the issue with Cabinet, adding that there was need for huge investment in the sector.

“But there are several hundred thousand children who live in these (resettlement) areas. Sadly, many of them do not even go to school now. The current government is incapable of addressing this shocking situation,” he said.

The Zimbabwe Education Act [Chapter 25:04] states that all children have the right to education.

Justice for Children Trust director, Caleb Mutandwa said there was need to respect the rights of children.

“The Constitution of Zimbabwe provides for the right to education for every child. It also outlaws discrimination. We urge the government to put in place progressive measures to ensure that every child enjoys their rights, including education,” he said.

“Government must work towards providing the necessary infrastructure for every child, create a conducive learning environment for the child to achieve and realise their full potential. It needs to prioritise and be equitable in resource allocation.”

Primary and Secondary Education deputy minister Paul Mavhima said the government was working tirelessly to improve infrastructure in schools, practically in resettlement areas.

“We are quite aware of the situation and we have done a lot in improving the infrastructure in most schools in the country. Of the 2 056 schools, about 1 500 are satellite schools or in the resettlement areas and need to be improved. Each year, through the grants that we get, we have been constructing six schools and adding a classroom block or so to those who have already improved their infrastructure,” he said.

On November 29, 2015 the government, through the Primary and Secondary Education ministry, issued a statement seeking joint venture partnerships on school infrastructure development.

Mavhima said the ministry had a deficit of 2 056 secondary and primary schools countrywide and the government had approved the construction of school infrastructure through joint venture partnership projects.

The plight of children in the resettlement areas is worsened, as the bulk of the teachers in rural areas are less experienced, under qualified and demotivated, thereby subjecting pupils to low quality education.

Radio VOP

16 February 2016

Harare, February 16, 2016 – VICE President Emmerson Mnangagwa appears to be trudging towards the same fate that visited his predecessor Joice Mujuru but analysts are quick to so-nicknamed Crocodile is made of sterner stuff.
Mujuru, the former Zanu PF and Zimbabwe vice president, was summarily fired from the party in 2014 for allegedly plotting to kill President Robert Mugabe, among a myriad of allegations, which she vehemently denies even to this date.
Mnangagwa, known as Ngwena or Crocodile or Lacoste, has been in the line of fire from Mugabe’s wife Grace and her camp, ostensibly for publicly flaunting his presidential ambitions in Zanu PF where succession is perceived as taboo subject.

Speculation is rife he could suffer the same fate as Mujuru who was kicked out of Zanu PF together with other former top party wigs who had tipped her to succeed Mugabe.
Grace’s side-kick Sarah Mahoka, the Zanu PF secretary for finance, set the ball rolling last Wednesday when she dared Mnangagwa to publicly declare his presidential ambitions in front of Mugabe and other bussed members of Zanu PF.
At a rally in Mazowe two days later, Grace made a party of Mnangagwa who has been taunted as Mugabe’s heir apparent by virtue of being the first vice president.

“We have realised that those we thought were being groomed as leaders are sell-outs. We no longer have confidence in them,” Grace charged in what critics say is in apparent reference to Ngwena.
“Do not take us for fools. They (Mnangagwa camp) will not take over from Mugabe. I will rather put him in a wheelbarrow to work” Grace said of her 92 year-old husband whose advanced age is seen as fuelling vigorous horse-trading within the ruling party.

Analysts have been quick to note similarities between Mujuru ‘s ouster and the political problems presently circling Mnangagwa, pointing out that Mujuru’s demise started during one of Grace’s 2014 rallies where the former VP was accused of attempting to assassinate Mugabe.

Grace charged at the rally in Chiweshe on Friday that there were attempts to kill members of the first family, including her children after a rat-tag band of soldiers and a little-known politician were nabbed for allegedly plotting to bomb the Mugabe family dairy in Mazowe.

Mnangagwa is thought to be close to army generals who have previously vowed they would not salute any aspiring leader who did not participate in the liberation war.

Reward Mushayabasa, a political analyst based in the United Kingdom, believes a script has been written already for Mnangagwa’s fate. “We have seen the same script being used against Mujuru. This is the same script used against (Joshua) Nkomo and (Morgan) Tsvangirai,” he said.

Vivid Gwede, a Harare-based political analyst, concurred, saying Mnangagwa literally has to move a mountain in his defence to survive the political onslaught in Zanu PF.
“It appears his days are numbered. Mujuru’s demise tells us that Mugabe caucuses with Grace before such shellacking of people by the First Lady,” said Gwede.
“In any case, the charge sheet is the same for Mnangagwa of wanting to replace Mugabe and harm his family physically. But the truth is Mugabe said way back even before Mujuru’s expulsion that they had both destroyed themselves by being mentioned as faction leaders.”

As if not raining but pouring enough for the Lacoste camp, Zanu PF national commissar Saviour Kasukuwere has suspended three provincial chairpersons linked to Ngwena for allegedly barring party members and supporters from attending Grace’s rally last Wednesday ahead of the politburo meeting.

This development, according to analysts, is yet another major blow to the Midlands politician’s political machinations to succeed Mugabe. Last week Grace also lashed out at suspended war veterans’ leader Chris Mutsvangwa, a close ally of the VP.

But David Coltart, an opposition politician considered a fiery critic of Mugabe and Zanu PF, said it would be folly to underrate Mnangagwa’s political staying power following his latest, seemingly, political set-backs.
“Don’t count him out too soon,” Coltart told RadioVOP, “He has more support amongst heavyweights in the army than Joice had.” The MDC former legislator said although there is no doubt Mnangagwa is in trouble, he strongly believes Ngwena would not be as much of a pushover as Mujuru, adding “he has a ruthless streak which Joice never had”.

Mushayabasa also agrees, postulating that Ngwena’s strength lies in his ties within the army generals as their former minister of defence.

“There is an understanding some security generals are on his side. Let’s remember there are divisions in the security. There are those who supported Mujuru and were neutralised after Mujuru’s sacking,” he says.
“Then there some in the middle; we have Generals like Phillip Sibanda who are well respected professional soldiers who are not actively involved in politics. We do not know with all certainty where their political allegiances lie. Of course, VP Mnangagwa can rely on those who have been very active in politics like Major General Chiwenga.”

Other critics doubt Mugabe would have the will to fire him due to their ties during the war of liberation. The Zanu PF leader could neutralise him or destabilise him using the rival G40 camp.
Ricky Mukonza, a political analyst based in South Africa, said Mnangagwa’s fate will largely depend on how he will handle the situation he is facing.
“If he goes back to the President crawling and asking for his mercies he will survive. But if he chooses to remain adamant he will likely face the Mujuru fate. There is little doubt now that Grace Mugabe determines who leaves or stays in the party,” he said.

“The challenge ED does not seem to have is a good following within the Zanu PF party. However his huge experience leading the various security ministries and his liberation credentials give him some advantage ahead of the other likely successors. It must be emphasised that as things are now in Zanu PF, Mugabe and Grace hold the powers on many aspects of the party including; who leaves or stays in the party and who will lead it in feature.”

The Standard

14 February 2016

The release of Zimbabwe School Examination Council (Zimsec) Ordinary and Advanced Level 2015 examination results has seen proud parents and guardians of students who produced a string of A grades taking to social media to flaunt their children’s achievements.

Some candidates scored as many as 30 points at A’ Level, while others scored 15 A’s at O’Level.
The extra-ordinary results sparked debate, especially on Facebook where some Zimbabweans felt the grades pointed to falling standards at Zimsec.

However, in an analysis of the 2015 O’Level results, Zimsec director Esau Nhandara said examination standards had been benchmarked to previous ones in all the subjects.

“Generally, the performance of the November 2015 candidates was commendable in most subjects,” Nhandara said.

“Reasons for this performance may vary from subject to subject and may only be substantiated by empirical research to confirm the trend in the pass rates.

“An important point to take note of is that, grading standards have been maintained throughout.

“The standards have been benchmarked to previous ones and maintained in all subjects.”

University of Zimbabwe’s faculty of education dean Oswell Hapanyengwi said public examinations results started improving in 2009 when resources were mobilised by then Education minister David Coltart to re-equip schools with textbooks and other learning materials.

“Students from that period are the ones graduating in recent years and had the opportunity of a good solid foundation which carried them through,” he said.

The educationist said the current economic situation was now creating a competitive edge among students who wanted to make it in a country with only a handful of opportunities to offer.

“The competition is very high and students push themselves in order to position themselves in a country where it is extremely difficult to get ahead with average results.”

His sentiments were echoed by Mufakose 1 High School’s top A’Level student Paddington Dzinzi who got straight As in five subjects.

“There is a lot of competition out there and you just need to be in the top to have an advantage over the others,” he said.

Dzinzi said hard work through study groups and attending lessons helped him to stay focused.

“One has to be dedicated and to keep a level head through it all and having supportive friends and family motivates one to do great,” he said.

The humble teenager, who wants to pursue a medical career or Actuarial science if he gets financial assistance, also said the learning environment was crucial in producing good grades.

“At our school we had a group called the Headmaster’s Group. If you failed to attain at least two Cs during the termly tests, you would be forced to attend this intense study group for three weeks,” he explained.

Nhandara said the general improvement in the quality of results was a result of availability of textbooks and learning systems at schools.

“Any rise or fall in candidate performance would be attributable to teaching and learning processes in schools,” he explained.

Nhandara also said the Education Development Fund (EDF), and the then Education Transition Fund (ETF) of 2011 and 2012 during which all secondary schools received textbook kits, may have contributed to the good results.

“There was a one-to-one textbook-pupil ratio and these resources were used from Form 1 up to Form 4. The cohort of learners who used these books from Form 1 to Form 4 was those who wrote examinations in 2015,” he said.

Qualified and dedicated teachers have also been said to be another contributory factor.

“Teachers are improving themselves academically and many have doctorates which have improved the quality of education in schools,” said the president of the Zimbabwe Teachers Association (Zimta), Richard Gundani.

He also heaped praises on some parents who are instrumental in home schooling of their children to complement the school system.

“The issue of having qualified teachers in secondary schools cannot be ignored as a contributing factor to improved learner performance,” said Nhandara.

Coltart said while it would not be easy to pin-point the real reasons for the exceptional results without a proper study, more resources would help improve pass rates.

“Standards should not drop and resources should be increased,” he said.

Results on average are still below 30% for O’Level and for 2015 there was only a 27,86% pass rate, which was a slight improvement from the 2014 pass rate of just 22,38%.
Although the government has banned rating of schools according to pass rates, a Zimsec analysis shows that Masvingo province is once again leading with a 31,9% pass rate followed by the Midlands (29,19), then Manicaland (29,19).

Harare was on fourth position with 28,78% while Mashonaland East had the least pass rate of 22,98%. Matabeleland South was on fifth position with 25,33% followed by Bulawayo with 25,07%, then Mashonaland Central with 24,19%, Matabeleland North 23,95 and Mashonaland West 23,51%.

In 2014, Masvingo had seven schools that attained 100% pass rates at A’Level namely St Anthony’s, Hebron, Zaka High, Chinorumba Secondary, Chatikobo High, Tungwane Secondary and Mutimwi secondary.