Zimbabwe’s first Chief Justice dies

Bulawayo News 24

By Ndou Paul

24 February 2017

Zimbabwe’s first Chief Justice John Fieldsend has died at the age of 95.

Justice Fieldsend died on Wednesday after a long and courageous fight against lung cancer.

Chief Justice Fieldsend was appointed for a fixed term and assumed office on 1 July 1980. Born in England, Sir John (as he later became) was brought up in Southern Rhodesia. After graduating in law he practised as an advocate in Bulawayo. In 1962 he was appointed a judge of the High Court, but resigned in 1968 in protest against the decision of the Appellate Court to grant judicial recognition to the government of Ian Smith. He returned to Britain, where for the next twelve years he served in the office of the Lord Chancellor.

During the tenure of office of Chief Justice Fieldsend the main area of conflict between the judiciary and the executive involved cases of detention without trial; that is, a deprivation of liberty permitted, subject to certain conditions, under the law of Zimbabwe, during a declared period of public emergency. The state of emergency, which had been declared by the Smith government at its unilateral declaration of independence on 11 November 1965, and
extended repeatedly every six months, was kept in force by the new government for ten years.

Chief Justice Fieldsend was unwavering in standing up for human rights and respect for the rule of law and the Judiciary during his tenure provided a bulwark of stability in the country.

Former Education minister David Coltart wrote on his facebook wall.

Below is the full message:

I am very sorry to report that Zimbabwe’s first Chief Judge, Justice John Fieldsend died last night at the age of 95 after a long and courageous fight against lung cancer. Justice Fieldsend was an extraordinarily fine Judge and was largely responsible for establishing Zimbabwe’s judiciary as one the Commonwealth’s finest institutions.

Chief Justice Fieldsend was appointed for a fixed term and assumed office on 1 July 1980. Born in England, Sir John (as he later became) was brought up in Southern Rhodesia. After graduating in law he practised as an advocate in Bulawayo. In 1962 he was appointed a judge of the High Court, but resigned in 1968 in protest against the decision of the Appellate Court to grant judicial recognition to the government of Ian Smith. He returned to Britain, where for the next twelve years he served in the office of the Lord Chancellor.

During the tenure of office of Chief Justice Fieldsend the main area of conflict between the judiciary and the executive involved cases of detention without trial; that is, a deprivation of liberty permitted, subject to certain conditions, under the law of Zimbabwe, during a declared period of public emergency. The state of emergency, which had been declared by the Smith government at its unilateral declaration of independence on 11 November 1965, and
extended repeatedly every six months, was kept in force by the new government for ten years.

Chief Justice Fieldsend was unwavering in standing up for human rights and respect for the rule of law and the Judiciary during his tenure provided a bulwark of stability in the country.

Judges of this calibre are rare, especially in Zimbabwe since the subversion of the judiciary by the ZANU PF regime since 2001. My hope is that lawyers will reflect on the exceptionally high standards set by Judge Fieldsend, both professionally and in his private life, and be inspired by them. Judge Fieldsend was a man of absolute integrity; a Judge who could be relied upon to act honourably at all times and to scrupulously ensure that justice was done at all times. He will be sorely missed. May his soul rest in peace.

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Lion mauls woman’s hip, arm at Zimbabwe game park: report

News 24

News24 Correspondent

15 February 2017

Harare – A woman has been mauled by a lion through a fence at a game park in eastern Zimbabwe, a newspaper is reporting.

The state-controlled Manica Post published a picture online of Ngoni Hera with blood on her right side from the lion attack. The park was named as the Eco Game Park in Headlands about 140km from the capital Harare.

The paper said Hera suffered “serious injuries to her right hip and arm when she was attacked by a caged white lion while leaning on the fence”. Apparently her partner was taking pictures of her when the lion emerged from another part of the pen. (There are separate claims online that she was taking a selfie). It is not entirely clear when the attack occurred.

She is now in hospital in Harare.

The only record for an Eco Game Park in Headlands is the Nyati Eco Game Park. However there was no reply from Nyati Eco Game Park when contacted for comment on Tuesday. The park is popular for school trips and reunions.

Attacks by lions inside tourist facilities are extremely rare in Zimbabwe. A Japanese woman was killed by a lion at the Lion and Cheetah Park in Norton in 2005, while former education minister David Coltart’s daughter was mauled by a lion at a park in Gweru in 2010.

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‘Bishop was victim of bizarre Zimbabwe beatings’

Weekend Argus

By Peta Thornycroft

12 February 2017

Cape Town – Zimbabwe’s top human rights lawyer David Coltart released details of some of the boys’ suffering in a 24 page report to Independent Newspapers.

More and more of Smyth’s victims have come forward to tell their stories about the beatings and humiliation and sexual confusion they endured at his hands when they were vulnerable teenagers, all of which were in some way linked to his bizarre sexual behaviour.

Andrew Watson, Anglican Bishop of Guildford, in England, said he is a survivor of Smyth’s “appalling activities” in the late 1970s and early 1980s and has now contacted the police.

Coltart was asked by a group of churches in Bulawayo to investigate Smyth, his Zambezi Ministries and the holiday camps he established after arriving in Zimbabwe in 1984.

The churches in Bulawayo were approached by parents of some of the boys who had attended Smyth’s holiday camps.

The churches then went to Coltart, whose human rights work was well known.

His report details incidents the boys endured and interviews with trustees of Zimbabwe Ministries.

Coltart’s report says teenage Zimbabwe boys attending Smyth’s camp were regularly not allowed to wear underwear during the day or night and were forbidden to shut the door when they went to the toilet.

Some were beaten and forced to walk around nude or skinny dip and bounce around naked on a trampoline watched by Smyth, who was also nude.

The boys said Smyth continually spoke to them about masturbation and was often around them naked, even when they were showering, or praying with them.

But on one camp he clearly went too far and some of the boys were greatly disturbed and confided in their mothers.

“They were miserable when we picked them up from the camp near Harare. They told me they had been beaten,” said Stella Leanders, whose older son Rocky, who now lives in the UK, was on the camp that year with his younger brother and cousin. He was 14 and the other two boys were just 13.

She examined the boys at home and took them to a doctor who found bruises on one of their backsides a good week after he had been beaten.

Although Smyth allegedly used a table tennis bat on these boys and others, he managed to break it on one boys backside atone of the camps.

There were five boys from that camp who complained about Smyth’s bizarre behaviour towards them and their parents then laid charges with the police in Bulawayo.

The boys were all pupils at Christian Brothers College in Bulawayo.

Their parents also went to see their church leaders in Bulawayo. And they in turn approached Coltart, who said he was happy to do the report pro amicus.

Coltart’s report for the churches, which included professional opinions from medical doctors, was then released to all concerned.

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Charamba Bid To Distance Mnangagwa From Gukurahundi

Radio VOP

By Sij Ncube

31 January 2017

Harare, January 31, 2017 – PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe’s spokesperson, George Charamba is working overtime in a desperate bid to assist Vice President Emmerson Mngangwa’s presidential succession bid in the faction-riddled party Zanu PF leader, analysts say.

Mugabe’s party is sharply divided into two distinct camps, Lacoste – linked to Mnangagwa, and G40 – said to be fronted by former government spokesman Jonathan Moyo and other so-called Young Turks, among them Zanu PF national political commissar Saviour Kasukuwere and Mugabe’s nephew Patrick Zhuwao.

Lacoste wants Mnangagwa to succeed Mugabe by virtue of being the first vice president while G40 wants the heir apparent anointed by the veteran leader of subjected to party elections.

But in recent weeks Nathaniel Manheru, a columnist in the state-controlled The Herald, widely thought to be Charamba, Mugabe’s spokesperson has been evidently rooting for Mnangagwa in his writings as the race to succeed the soon to be 93-year old leader reaches a crescendo.

Charamba, who is also permanent secretary in the ministry of information, media and broadcasting services, has never denied he is behind the acerbic and vitriolic Manheru column although in the past, has been exposed as the writer of the articles by his former boss at the ministry, Moyo. The two now appear sworn enemies.

Critics note that Charamba has occasionally used the long-winding column to take pot-shots at the Zanu PF leader’s perceived enemies and recently, those perceived to be opposed to Mnangagwa’s ascendancy to the throne particularly Moyo who has publicly stated he would not support his bid for presidency of Zanu PF and possible the republic.
Two weeks ago, the columnist lashed out at Jonathan Moyo and warned him against dabbling in the Zanu PF succession matrix by allegedly rubbishing the Midlands strongman’s succession bid in the cut-throat race.

Instead, Manheru, read Charamba, intimated the succession issue “has its own people” and Moyo was not one of them, a remark political analysts view as meant to present Mnangagwa as the sole candidate and in the process drumming up support for the Lacoste camp which critics claim is leaving no storm unturned to ensure Mnangagwa eventually steps into the shoes of Mugabe when the Zanu PF leader eventually decides to exit politics or dies in power.

“It is clear he (Manheru) is doing Mnangagwa bidding by abusing the state media,” said Ricky Mukonza, a political analyst, who teaches public management at a South African university.

In his latest long-winding article, the columnist hit-out at human rights lawyer-cum opposition politician and author, David Coltart for intimating in his autobiography, The Struggle Continues: 50 Years of Tyranny in Zimbabwe, Mnangagwa and other Zanu PF politicians were complicity in the murder of an estimated 20 000 defenceless civilian in some parts of the Midlands and Matabeleland during the early 1980s.

In his book, Coltart states that Mnangagwa was in charge of state security during Gukurahundi, suggesting chances were high the vice president and justice minister could have known about the killings, charges which appear to have rattled the Lacoste camp of which Charamba is thought to belong.

Coltart has also made reference to stories carried in the local state controlled media during the time in which Mnangagwa alluded to the presence of state security agents sent to deal with the alleged dissident menace in Matabeleland provinces and some parts of the Midlands.

But a livid Manheru on Saturday referred to Coltart as an unrepentant white who fought for the supremacy of racists Rhodesian, defended white settler interests by gun, suggesting the former cabinet minister’s book was wrongly apportioning the Gukurahundi killings to Mnangagwa.

The columnist further stated that Coltart was behind the report Breaking Silence, a damning human rights report which chronicled the Gukurahundi killings, adding that it is not a coincidence that he has authored another book linking Zanu PF politicians to the massacres in the Matabeleland and the Midlands.

Manheru said while Coltart had no qualms in his book in accusing Zanu PF politicians of complicity in the Gukurahundi killings, the MDC politician has been conspicuous by his silence in the role that he played in defending racist Rhodesian, in what analyst say are attempts to rubbish Coltart book, particularly its version of who was responsible for the killings.

Coltart, however, on Tuesday hit back at the author of the column in an interview with RadioVOP, saying it is clear Mugabe’s spin-doctors wanted to airbrush the Zanu PF politician’s role in the early 1980s political disturbances in the two southern region provinces as the dog-fight to succeed Mugabe hots up.
“Whoever Manheru is does appear to be using this column to paint Mnangagwa in the best possible light,” said Coltart.

“If Manheru is in fact Charamba then it would indicate that he is doing all he can to discredit the existing narrative about Gukurahundi which will assist Mnagangwa’s aspirations. So it is not surprising that he would seek to delegitimise me and the revelations made in my book about Gukurahundi and Mngangwa’s role in it.”

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Nathaniel Manheru attacks The Struggle Continues in the Herald

The Herald

By Nathaniel Manheru

28 January 2017

Web administrator’s note: Nathaniel Manheru is thought to be George Charamba, President Mugabe’s spokesman and a vigorous supporter of VP Mnangagwa. He writes a weekly comment in The Herald from which this diatribe was extracted.

Coltart who wrote

Late last year, one David Coltart released a book titled “The Struggle Continues: 50 Years of Tyranny in Zimbabwe”. This column gave an initial reading of its first 13 chapters, promising to find time and space to do the rest. That time, that space, was never found. But a clear warning had been communicated to my readers: riva rine ngozi iri! This is decidedly an ominous mousetrap, the piece opined. The deception was multiple

Foremost, its title which tapped from our wartime jingo: the struggle continues! David Coltart fought for the supremacy of racist white Rhodesia, defended white settler interests by gun; which means he resisted our freedom and black statehood by gun. Lots of unpleasant things happened during our war of Independence, much of them washed away through the black man’s large, forgiving heart.

We called it Policy of National Reconciliation, by which the injured black man reached out to his erstwhile persecutor, his continuing oppressor, to offer a hand of peace, but one which went unrequited. Or simply washed by the black man and woman’s enhanced amnesia, for which we are famed.

The hand that shot, the hand that wrote

In that part-review, I wondered with loud disbelief how it was that David Coltart’s gun never fired, never shot at a black target, then his enemy, throughout that protracted conflict. The closest he came to revealing the atrocities of White Rhodesia was a short but vivid episode set in Chiredzi where, as the man assigned the grisly task of finger-printing cadavers of shot “terrorists”, he allowed his curiosity to carry him beyond the morgue, to a disused mineshaft into which the remains of killed Africans were flung and dumped, soon to be sealed and forgotten, part of a rotting pile of nameless victims of a forgotten racial conflict.

Fast forward to post-independence, and one finds the same David Coltart exhuming bodies from mineshafts in areas to the southern part of our country. But unlike the pre-independence mine-shafted cadavers, these ones had to be named, remembered and atoned for. Had to be narrativised. The result was “Breaking Silence”. Through my restless pen, I still wondered.

Wondered why two deaths, which could even be one, or two that could have overlapped, deserved differently, needed contrasting atonement. Wondered why two wars, perhaps one, maybe two overlapping wars, yielded two sins: one readily cleanse-able, another that could not be atoned for, that could not be forgiven, let alone forgotten. Wondered how the hand that held the gun could re-emerge wielding the pen of history, rearranging facts, in the process boldly granting forgiveness to itself, trenchantly apportioning everlasting guilt to the other side which, like itself, also fought a war, killed or was killed.

Binary view of history

Even more significant were revelations of networks of contacts of Empire which “The Struggle Continues” revealed. Clearly David Coltart is well-connected in the white world to which he belongs anyway. Contacts in the US, contacts in Britain, Germany, the EU, the Nordic bloc of countries, you name it. Funding gushing from all over the white world. But also a network in white South Africa, much closer home.

Again I sounded a warning: riva rine ngozi iri! Give it to him: he does not hide that these conducts are real, living and thus usable in the present, and in future “struggles”. It’s not like he was exhuming the Ken Flowers, the Reid-Dailey, the Peter Walls of a forgotten war. He was giving this our un-reading Nation a list of his living contacts on whose strength and support he would brew future troubles. Including local contacts, players, some deeply embedded in Zanu-PF’s highest governing echelons this very day.

Go read “Struggles” if you think I am politicking. But there is more to check. The funding of the book; its launch. It’s endorsements and, surprise, surprise, it’s local, serialised treatment here. Picture our nation’s binary sensibilities when it comes to its history: The Patriot serializing the late national hero Brigadier Felix Muchemwa’s “The Struggle for Land in Zimbabwe: 1890-2010”; The Standard serialising David Coltart’s “The Struggle Continues: 50 Years of Tyranny in Zimbabwe.” Both serials of ‘struggle’, that vexatious noun. Nothing could be starker yet, ironically carrying the same lexicon! Still that’s not my main point. Let green undergrads looking for dissertation topics focus on that; I am not one of them.

The missing hag, the hyena vomit

Coltart makes it clear his book is a political investment for 2018, the year Zimbabwe decides. Much like “Dinner with Mugabe” which made sure its birth was in early 2008. Maybe that, too, is not bothersome. What I find quite significant, worrisome in fact, is the way “The Struggle Continues” indeed continues into, and connects directly with, the declassification of CIA reports covering just about the first half of Coltart’s book.

And the springing from the woodworks of one Stuart Doran, a fellow Briton who introduces himself as “an independent historian and author of a forthcoming book based on new documentary material – Kingdom, power, glory: Mugabe, Zanu and the quest for supremacy, 1960-1987”. True CIA’s decision to declassify documents is a function of the calendar, even though the underlying reasoning is that time will have healed the wounds, and killed protagonists featured in the documents.

The CIA never declassified what is still fresh for its body-politic. However, the apparent show and speed of synchronisation with white writers here, writers with definite positions on our national politics, is what I found amazing, what I think is worth thinking about. The Shona people have a saying for such fraught coincidences: chembere yonyangarika, bere rorutse mvi (the village hag vanishes, and the gorged hyena vomits white hair)!

Defending white way of life

I am getting closer to the gist of my piece. Just who writes history for us? Just who reads history for us? How do we reconstruct our past for purposes of understanding it, and learning from it? Or for purposes of avoiding its down-side, its pitfalls? Easy reading of this piece will suggest I am taking cheap pot-shots at white Rhodies. Or that I seek to lighten the conflict which engulfed the southern part of our country soon after our Independence. I seek neither; I blush for neither.

I was part of the war effort towards the overthrow of white settler Rhodesia. I consider that war just, holy, a heroic, founding process of this our nation. It is hard to find Rhodies who emerged clean from that war, however critical they may have been of Ian Smith and his ruling bandits. From the perspective of white Rhodesians, the war was “about preserving and defending our own way of life”. That life, wholly racially patrician, was founded on the oppression and suppression of the African.

On the denial of our humanity, our rootedness in this land. Hardly any white living then opposed white supremacy; a handful definitely opposed the Rhodesia Front model of enforcing that supremacy. Let that important distinction be well grasped, especially by blacks of this country who risk re-living that nightmarish episode of history.

Interned by two great men

The early post-independence conflict in the southern part of the country largely played out when I was a student. I witnessed the drags of it when I started working, soon after the completion of my studies. Thankfully I was placed in an office where I was part of the secretive talks that brought about the Unity Accord of December 22, 1987.

Much more, I was right in the thick of things when Joshua Nkomo and Robert Mugabe – our iconic two leaders – walked the length and breath of this land in order to make the Accord stick, to win back the peace that had eluded us, throwing us into the leaping flames of a senseless conflict that must never recur. Today I know Matabeleland and Midlands like the back of my hand, but the beginnings of it was at a tender age when I had the privilege of accompanying the two great men as they criss-crossed the land to win and cultivate peace for an otherwise buffeted land.

t was not easy; it was not an overnight wonder, and some day, some day, I shall have the chance to eternalise my modest view and account of events of that time, in some book which I cannot pen just now. So, I repudiate facetious readings from men and women pursuing ersatz politics. Real, deep politics were undertaken then, by men and women who had fought a war, seen comrades fall, and by dint of all that, who knew the value of peace and national unity. Not this mess we read nowadays, masquerading as thoughtful national politics.

When counting is futile

I spent the greater part of this week going through fat files declassified by the CIA and covering that stretch of my country’s story. The English is plain, the meaning apparent. The causes of the conflict are attempted; the figures of casualties are hazarded. If it mattered, I would have told you, dear reader, that the Americans worked with the figure of a thousand or so dead from that conflict. Maybe a little more.

But it does not matter, for our Nation is now a thousand less, assuming that is the correct figure. And there is no reason to think it is. Life is too sacred, none of it too unimportant to be lost. The same reports also record casualties of those who spoke Shona, or were thought to support Zanu then. They detail destruction of property and equipment, rape and harsh treatment of civilians by both sides to the conflict. More important, they dwell elaborately on whites who got killed: from tourists to farmers.

It is not difficult to tell where America’s sympathies lay, especially after white killings, and the meddlesome involvement of apartheid South Africa. If it mattered, too, I would have told you that Coltart’s book does not count the dead, whether in “Breaking Silence” or in “The Struggle Continues”. Both leave that issue open, understandably so. For me all that fascination with figures is unimportant, futile even. No war has ever yielded accurate statistics, not even our war of national liberation. Need I remind you that in any war, the first casualty is truth? Worse mathematical truth.

US for us?

What I find staggering is the ongoing attempt to conflate CIA declassifieds with truth. With history. Our history! Ahh! It’s not like the declassified documents are some propaganda masterstroke. They openly proclaim that they are “sanitised copies approved for release”. And these are not my words; CIA words. They openly give you blank pages yelling “Page Denied”. Or its variant: “Pages in Document Denied”.

To all that add rectangular boxes that denotes major expurgations. “Redactions” to use CIA’s favourite word. Add to all that the fact that this was a CIA officer’s view, clearly limited, and in the case of material under discussion, jaundiced by Cold War politics, and a tribal perspective on African politics. Jaundiced, too, by a pro-white, pro-apartheid vantage point. Above all, an American self-serving perspective. We call that our history?

We call that workable, reliable material for reconstructing our past? A basis for judging one another today? Buttressed by Coltart and Stuart Doran, whoever he is, and we think we are all the richer for it? What is “an independent historian”? What struggle does David Coltart say “continues”? Your struggle? My struggle? Our struggle? What are the new “facts” which have been revealed? By the CIA? My goodness! If that is how we read ourselves, read and write our past, then God help us. To all yell: None But by Themselves for Us? US for us? Uuuh, Riva rine ngozi iri.

Icho!

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David Coltart’s question and answer session with the Financial Gazette regarding education in Zimbabwe

Financial Gazette

By Njabulo Ncube

26 January 2017

THE Ministry of Primary and Secondary Education continues to raise the ire of parents and guardians chiefly because of the controversial policies being introduced by its head, Lazarus Dokora.

This week the Financial Gazette correspondent Njabulo Ncube (NN) sought the views of former education minister, David Coltart (DC), on the present state of the education sector and how he thinks sanity can be made to prevail in this important sector.

NN: Generally, what is your take on what is happening in the Ministry of Primary and Secondary Education?

DC: While I have been encouraged by the fact that the curriculum review process that I started during my tenure has continued, I am worried about several disturbing changes in policy that have become evident since I left office. In broad terms, what I tried to do was grant as much autonomy (as possible) to schools, both government and private, across the nation. Included in that policy was, for example, the right given to parents to enhance conditions of service for the teachers teaching their children and allowing school development associations (SDAs) to control their own funding. Sadly, Minister Dokora has reversed that policy in a variety of ways, clearly with the intention of maintaining as much centralised control over education as possible, even to the extent of trying to get SDAs to submit monies raised to a central pot. I believe that one of the key strengths of our education system has been that parents and local headmasters and teachers have taken a keen interest in the running of their respective schools, which I think is being undermined by this desire to control everything from Harare.

NN: Where is the Ministry or Minister Dokora going wrong?

DC: If I have to identify a key mistake being made by the Ministry at present is its failure to adequateley consult with all stakeholders. It seems to me that a variety of policies have been announced without adequate consultation with parents, teachers, school leaders and teachers’ unions. It is apparent that some policies have been announced with almost no consultation whatsoever and others have been announced before a broad consensus has been reached. The formulation of education policy is unique in this regard because there is no deeper emotion than parents’ love for their children. While government can get away with minimal consultation in other areas of governance, it cannot do so when it comes to the education of children. It makes even running individual schools very different to, say, running a business, because one has such a broad range of stakeholders all with such fervent passion for the task at hand. One only has to see the difficulties experienced by Michael Gove, the former education secretary in the United Kingdom, when he tried to implement drastic changes; and indeed the woes of the South African government’s attempted introduction of a new curriculum, to realise how hard it is to implement new education policies.

It is in that context that, while no one doubts that there is great need for curriculum reform, I fear that there has been insufficient consultation, consensus building and planning. To give an example I wanted to consolidate all the education laws and worked hard on the production of a new single statutory instrument (SI) during my tenure. By the end of my term I had still not succeeded in building that consensus and so was unable to implement that new SI. I could have forced it on everyone as I had that power in terms of the Education Act, but I decided that it was more important that a consensus be reached. I fear this has not happened here.

NN: What about the new history curriculum, the pledge, heritage studies, not using English as the main medium of tuition in primary school, the new languages they want to teach when Shona and Ndebele are not being taught effectively, amid the collapsing school infrastructure?

DC: While there are some very positive aspects of the new curriculum, indeed certain features reflect many of my original policy goals, such as balancing academic education with vocational education, I am very disturbed by certain features of the new curriculum. In particular it seems to me that the new history and heritage studies syllabi are nothing more than propaganda. When I was minister I argued that objective, neutral historians should formulate our history syllabus so that it could be more factual and less politically-biased than the original syllabus. It appears that, if anything, the history and heritage syllabi have become even more politically-biased in favour of ZANU-PF. Key aspects of our history, such as ZAPU’s dominant role, the reasons for the original split between ZAPU and ZANU, Gukurahundi, Murambatsvina, Zimbabwe’s war in the DRC have either been ignored or glossed over.

Another very serious development, which has been reported to me is an attempt to cut back on the teaching of English in primary school. While I have not had confirmation that this is true, if what has been reported to me is correct this is an appalling development. Whatever our history, whatever role that English has played in the subjugation of black Zimbabweans in the past, the fact remains that it is the business language of the world, much as Latin was 2000 years ago. One of the greatest gifts we can give our children is a solid knowledge of English. South African University professors often comment on the good grasp Zimbabwean students have of the English language; it is hard to demonstrate sufficiently how important this is to the education of our children. One of the key problems we had in my tenure was the dearth of experienced English teachers. If there is now to be a deliberate policy of downplaying the importance of English, combined with a stretching of already limited resources to the teaching of Mandarin, we may well undermine one of the main pillars of our excellent education system, with devastating consequences.

NN: But what would you have done instead, if you were still minister to prevent the disgruntlement in the sector which characterised the first weeks of the 2017 first term?

DC: It really comes down to what I have said before: Consult widely and build a consensus with all stakeholders. However, it appears that even if that consensus had been established the introduction was unplanned for. For example, has government produced new textbooks for Mandarin and Portuguese? I have not heard of them. It seems to me that this new curriculum has been hoisted on teachers without the necessary teaching aids being supplied. If this is the case it is a critical error.

NN: What is your take on the proposed teaching of foreign languages such as Mandarin, Portuguese etc. when the country has no requisite teaching skills even to effectively teach local vernacular languages?

DC: Perhaps the most worrying aspect of the new curriculum relates to the new language policies. On the face of it, the introduction of Mandarin, Portuguese and Swahili sound like positive developments, but my fear is that we are not yet in a position to effectively teach these subjects and other existing languages are already being taught badly. It has always been a major concern of mine that indigenous Zimbabwean languages are not being taught effectively. The harsh reality is that very few of our children can speak indigenous languages other than their mother tongue and English. It has been a serious indictment on our curriculum and syllabi that, despite the fact that children get some eight years of instruction in languages other than English and their mother tongue, most cannot speak, read or write another indigenous language at the end of their schooling. In addition, the teaching of minority indigenous languages such as Tonga, Kalanga, Venda, Sotho and Shangani is woeful. In my view, we should have concentrated on improving the teaching of these languages before venturing out to teach these other languages.

Had I continued as minister, I would have directed that more resources be allocated to the production of textbooks and training of teachers for these indigenous languages, rather than divert those scarce resources to the instruction of other foreign languages. My policy regarding languages such as Mandarin and Portuguese would have been to introduce them at some of the academies of excellence where children with demonstrable language skills could be taught these languages. Most Zimbabweans will never use Mandarin and Portuguese, but it is important that certain of our children, who are talented with languages learn those languages so that they can become interpreters and, for example, diplomats, in countries which seek those languages.

NN: The minister has directed headmasters to do away with Physical Science after he split it into two separate subjects, Physics and Chemistry at O Level, yet the country lacks such specialist teachers. Is this what the Nziramasanga Commission of Inquiry on Education and Training recommended?

DC: The Nziramazanga Report advocated for a curriculum which focused more on vocational subjects and to that extent the new curriculum is an improvement, and the splitting of subjects as you have mentioned is justified. However — and this is key to the entire debate — if the new curriculum is not accompanied by a major increase in the actual amount of government funding for education, it may be doomed to fail. When I was minister I complained about the disparity between the theoretical education budget (the one announced by the Minister of Finance on budget day) and the actual budget (being the actual amount of money disbursed by Treasury to the Ministry). There was always a massive gulf, even in the days of the Government of National Unity (GNU); and from all the reports I receive from former colleagues within the Ministry, nothing has changed. Indeed the situation is now far worse. A change to the curriculum like this demands a massive increase in spending. It is no use announcing that Chemistry will be taught separately if most schools don’t have adequately equipped and well supplied Chemistry laboratories, or have few teachers with the necessary qualifications to teach Chemistry.

NN: The Nziramasanga inquiry and its recommendations were formulated or concluded nearly 20 years ago, do you see its recommendations as still relevant nearly two decades later and more so in this day and age of advancements in ICT?

DC: There is no doubt that the Nziramazanga Report is just as relevant now as it was when it was first produced. We have a good education system, but it is now in some respects antiquated and ill-equipped to prepare our children for this new computerised age.

NN: The opposition and other critics of the ZANU-PF administration strongly feel that the education sector is being politicised. Some might say it is a question of soar grapes as former opposition minister. But what is your take on this perception or view?

DC: The danger of criticising a former subordinate, who has taken over one’s job is that it may be viewed as sour grapes. That is one of the principal reasons why I have withheld criticising either the Ministry or the Minister until now. I felt it was important to give my successor a chance to get the job done. However, I fear that in the three and half years since he has taken office the education system has begun to slide again. I have argued before that the most important government ministry is Education because it determines our future more than anything else. Our outstanding education system has been the bedrock of our nation for decades; as damaging as other ZANU-PF policies have been in other spheres, the fact remains that successive generations of educated Zimbabweans have ameliorated the destruction of our country. It is educated Zimbabweans who have made the difference between a country which still has hope and a failed state. If the education system is now undermined by what appears to be politically-motivated, as opposed to educationally-motivated, policies then it is our duty to speak out.

NN: Lastly but not least, what would you say you achieved as the then minister in charge of primary and secondary education in Zimbabwe during the ill-fated GNU?

DC: It is not for me to say what I achieved; I took over an education system which was near a total state of collapse. With the help of some outstanding educationalists throughout our nation, and with help from international agencies such as UNICEF, we managed to stop the rot and stabilise the sector. Many of my proposed policies, such as a new curriculum, academies of excellence and a rationalised legal structure, were never implemented much to my frustration. In that context I felt that much was left undone and that the transformation of our education system into one of the best in the world, was not achieved.

newsdesk@fingaz.co.zw

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How many more rigged elections and murders will it take for Madhuku to finally accept we need reforms

Bulawayo 24 News

22 January 2017

By Patrick Guramatunhu

“We cannot say anything other than condemn those who are resorting to violence and we only hope our plea will convert them because it does not help our democracy,” said Professor Madhuku. He was reacting to the story of the beating of his NCA Bikita West by-election candidate and his manager.

Professor Madhuku your NCA friends were lucky they were beaten and shot at and lived to tell the story. Hundreds of thousands Zimbabweans were beaten and raped and over 500 were murdered in cold blood in the 2008 elections alone. Zimbabwe is not democracy but an autocratic dictatorship which has mastered the art of rigging elections and has no qualms in using violence to retain power. It is just people like you, Tsvangirai, Joice Mujuru and all the other opposition minions out there are focused on winning the few gravy train seats Zanu PF throws at the opposition you refuse to see the political reality of the dictatorship.

“The worst aspect for me about the failure to agree a coalition was that both MDCs couldn’t now do the obvious – withdraw from the elections,” wrote Senator David Coltart in his book.

“The electoral process was so flawed, so illegal, that the only logical step was to withdraw, which would compel SADC to hold Zanu PF to account. But such was the distrust between the MDC-T and MDC-N that neither could withdraw for fear that the other would remain in the elections, winning seats and giving the process credibility.”

It was only after the rigged July 2013 elections, when many of the MDC leaders had failed to secure any seats on the gravy train, only then did MDC leaders finally saw the need to implement the reforms and boycott all future elections until the reforms are implemented. “No reform, no elections!” was rammed down the throats of Tsvangirai, Welshman Ncube, Tendai Biti and all the other MDC leaders by the reality of the blatant vote rigging.

It is not that Professor Madhuku and his NCA, Joice Mujiru with her Zim PF and all the new kids on the block do not know what a democracy is and that Zimbabwe is not a democracy; they do. They are all taking part in the election knowing Zanu PF will rig the vote and commit wanton violence just to be absolutely certain there is no regime change. Madhuku and company will contest the elections for the same reason MDC contested the 2013 elections – greed.

Zanu PF will keep throwing the few seats to the opposition to keep them interested, the regime needs these token opposition to give the election process a measure of credibility and the few seats is a small price to pay.

Having a token opposition representation is not something new, Ian Smith had a few black MPs in pre-independent Zimbabwe. There were little more than talking manikins in parliament you would not know it the way these MPs drummed their chest like silverback gorillas. Ian Smith had no problem getting people to fill the talking manikin MP posts! Zanu PF too will never have to worry about the opposition boycotting elections, regardless how flawed and unfair they are, there will always be some opposition candidates fighting over the scraps!

“It is shocking to realise that as all this madness happens, Zec has not said or done anything when the nation is expecting to hear from them if they take their work seriously,” said Madhuku, adding that the electoral body risks losing credibility.

No Professor Madhuku, it is you who lost all credibility; you clearly do not have common sense to know ZEC has been corrupted the commission considers helping Zanu PF rig the elections as their primary task.

If anyone thought that the beating of NCA officials in Bikita West has opened Professor Madhuku’s eyes they will be disappointed to know that had no effect. As long as there are scraps to be had Madhuku and company will be fighting over them.

“We cannot say anything other than condemn those who are resorting to violence and we only hope our plea will convert them because it does not help our democracy,” Madhuku said.

“We also call upon the electorate to remain steadfast and not to be intimidated into giving up. We must never reward perpetrators of violence by doing that.”

The real question for the country now is how many more innocent Zimbabweans must be beaten, raped and even murdered to finally convince people like Madhuku, Mujuru, etc. that Zimbabwe is not a democracy and elections are flawed?

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Kirsty Coventry happy with swimming development in Zim

Newsday

21 January 2017

By Sakheleni Nxumalo

LEGENDARY Zimbabwean swimmer, Kirsty Coventry says she is encouraged by efforts to develop the sport at grassroots level and feels vindicated for choosing to return home after her retirement.

Coventry was in Bulawayo yesterday, where she was the guest of honour at the official opening of Petra High School’s new swimming pool.

Speaking at the function, the multiple Olympic medal winner said: “This is encouraging and it makes my decision to come back to our beautiful country, so much easier when you see things like this come together.

“To see something like this come to life just shows the community strength when people come together for a common goal and for common good. That good is only going to encourage our youths and our kids to make an impact.”

Coventry is Africa’s most decorated Olympian after accumulating seven Olympic medals during her illustrious career.

She took time to race against upcoming swimmers from both Petra Primary and Petra High schools after the official opening ceremony.

Former Education minister David Coltart, in his address when introducing Coventry, said she possessed three characteristics that propelled her to greatness.

“Kirsty’s achievements are a result of sheer determination, humility and patriotism. Some athletes are so consumed with their own importance, but Kirsty is very considerate of others and we appreciate what she means to us and our great nation,” he said.

Petra School board chairman, Ian Connolly said the swimming pool would not only benefit the school, but the whole Bulawayo community.

“We are very excited to have this facility and that’s a facility not just for Petra, but for the community and that is how we want it to be seen, as something that is not just celebrating us as a school, but it’s celebrating this Bulawayo community,” he said.

Matabeleland Swimming Board chairperson, Nokuthula Cyprianos concurred with Connolly and said the new pool would help grow the sport in the region.

Also present during the ceremony was national cricket team coach, Heath Streak, whose son Harry was part of the swimmers that took to the pool with Coventry yesterday.

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Mnangagwa challenged to ‘come clean’

Daily News

18 January 2017

By Jeffrey Muvundusi

Former Education minister David Coltart has waded into Zanu PF’s deadly tribal, factional and succession wars, becoming the latest prominent figure to challenge Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa to “come clean” on his mooted presidential aspirations.

This comes as Zanu PF’s two major factions have been savaging each other with malicious intent ever since the images of Mnangagwa holding a coffee mug inscribed with the words “I Am the Boss” emerged in the public domain a fortnight ago.

But, Coltart who was recently quoted by an influential British magazine suggesting that Mnangagwa was the Zanu PF bigwig who was most likely to succeed President Robert Mugabe, told the Daily News yesterday that the Midlands godfather needed to be upfront about his presidential ambitions.

“Mnangagwa has a constitutional right, along with the rest of us, to aspire for political office. There is nothing wrong with that, and good luck to him.

“But I have a word of advice for him which is in two parts. Firstly, he needs to be open with us, as there is this cat-and-mouse game being played in our country where it’s obvious to everyone that he has presidential aspirations but he continues with the fiction that he doesn’t want this.

“We all know he has presidential aspirations, he should just come out and say so,” Coltart told the Daily News.

He also said it was prudent for Mnangagwa to issue a public apology for his alleged role during the Gukurahundi massacres of the early 1980s, in which an estimated 20 000 innocent civilians were killed by the army mainly in Matabeleland and the Midlands, if his aspirations were to be eventually and successfully fulfilled.

“Secondly, he needs to draw the line in the sand regarding his past. All of us have a past. If you look in my book (The Struggle Continues: 50 Years of Tyranny in Zimbabwe) I tried to draw a line in the sand to say that is what happened, I am not proud about it but I want to move forward.

“Mnangagwa needs to do the same. I think he will find a refreshing response from the people.

“If Mnangagwa can come clean with the people of Matabeleland, he might be surprised by how forgiving they are,” Coltart added.

Mnangagwa’s allies, particularly a large cross-section of war veterans, have also escalated their loud calls for Mugabe to retire and pave way for his long time aide to take over the reins at both party and government level.

Early this week, expelled former Mashonaland Central youth chairman, Godfrey Tsenengamu, also warned that the VP’s followers were becoming impatient with his softly-softly strategy.

Tsenengamu also warned that if Mnangagwa did not confront Mugabe and the succession issue now, he risked losing much of the support of his battle-weary followers and other Zimbabweans who were yearning for change.

“ED (Mnangagwa) is too loyal to Mugabe and we can’t eat his loyalty to his leader. We are worried about our future as a younger generation and if what matters to him is his loyalty to Mugabe then they are going to go down together because we can’t vote for Mugabe in 2018,” Tsenengamu said emphatically.

Sacked former Cabinet minister and war veterans’ leader, Christopher Mutsvangwa, together with his executive, have also stepped up their efforts to force Mugabe to step down, accusing the increasingly frail nonagenarian of being at the centre of the country’s rot.

And like Tsenengamu, Mutodi and Mutsvangwa, former Zanu PF chairman for Mashonaland West province, Temba Mliswa, has also recently suggested that Mugabe should hand over power to Mnangagwa as the ruling party’s succession wars burn ever hotter.

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“We Are Capable Of Transforming Zimbabwe ” – David Coltart, Former Zimbabwean Senator

The Hardy Report

Along with Spotlight Zimbabwe

16 January 2017

This is the link to the interview done by Edward Hardy in London at Garden Court Chambers on the afternoon of Tuesday the 1st November 2016.

http://spotlight-z.com/news/capable-transforming-zimbabwe-david-coltart-former-zimbabwean-senator/

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