Details of Senator David Coltart’s book launch in Sydney on the 10th August 2017
Details of Senator David Coltart’s book launch in Canberra on the 9th August 2017
Details of Senator David Coltart’s book launch in Melbourne on the 8th August 2017
Details of Senator Coltart’s book launch in Perth on the 7th August 2017
Sue Zanu PF over schools meetings, rallies: Coltart Sue Zanu PF over schools meetings, rallies: Coltart
Newsday
18th July 2017
By Nqobani Ndlovu
FORMER Education minister David Coltart has urged opposition parties to drag Zanu PF to the Constitutional Court (ConCourt) to seek a ruling ordering the ruling party to stop holding its meetings and rallies at schools.
However, Coltart conceded that it was difficult to stop Zanu PF from holding its meetings and rallies at schools, owing to the lack of an enabling Act.
“There is nothing opposition parties can do to stop Zanu PF from using school facilities and abusing children in this way,” he said.
“There is nothing in the Education Act, which bars schools being used in this way.”
In spite of the lack of an enabling Act, Coltart said he was convinced that a ConCourt challenge would stop Zanu PF from holding meetings at schools.
“When I barred all schools from being used for political meetings, that was merely a policy directive, not something made into law,” he said.
“Although Section 19(2)(c) of the Constitution compels the State to adopt policies that protect children from ‘any form of abuse’, it is difficult to enforce this provision.
“However, there is no doubt in my mind that the ruining party [Zanu PF] is in violation of this section of the Constitution and a more robust Constitutional Court would rule against Zanu PF and in favour of children.”
Of late, President Robert Mugabe has been holding provincial youth rallies, amid claims that the ruling party commandeers school children to attend, disrupting their learning in the process.
On Friday, the 93-year-old Zanu PF leader is scheduled to address a similar campaign rally in Lupane, amid fears that all pupils from the province would be forced to attend the meeting.
Interview with David Coltart conducted by the Daily News
Daily News
By Jeffrey Muvundusi
9th July 2017
BULAWAYO – Our reporter Jeffrey Muvundusi had a wide ranging interview
with Bulawayo-based respected lawyer and former Education Minister, David
Coltart. Below are the excerpts of the interview.*
Q: To begin with, what’s your analysis of Zimbabwe’s current economic
situation?
A: At the core of our current situation is a collapse of business
confidence in the country. The country appears rudderless at present with
so much confusion right across the political spectrum. The president is
increasingly out of touch and government is paralysed as a result. There is
no clear succession plan within Zanu PF and the opposition is in equal
disarray with no national consensus emerging about who in the opposition
should lead. This uncertainty manifests itself in capital flight and
reluctance by Zimbabweans to invest.
Q: When Zanu PF won the 2013 elections, many anticipated the worst economic
situation; would you describe this current situation as the worst?
A: This is not the worst economic situation we have found ourselves in. The
hyperinflation of 2008 was far worse but if left unchecked, the current
economic malaise could result in a worse crisis than 2008’s.
Q: With less than 18 months to the next elections, do you think Zanu PF is
still marketable considering its recorded failures in decades?
A: Zanu PF has not been marketable for the last two decades but does not
need to for so long as it is prepared to intimidate the electorate and
subvert the electoral system.
Q: You are on record talking about opposition parties coming together,
putting aside their egos and allow one presidential candidate to face Zanu
PF, are you content with the manner in which the parties seem to be moving
towards that direction?
A: I am very dissatisfied with both the pace of seeking agreement and
manner of negotiating. What we desperately need now are Statesmen and women
who are prepared to put the nation ahead of their personal interests. This
applies not only to prospective presidential candidates but also to
prospective parliamentary candidates. Everyone seems to be determined to
put their own narrow partisan or personal interests ahead of national
interest. It is time for everyone vying for the presidency to publicly
state that they are prepared to stand down in favour of the person most
likely to attract the most support. To establish who that person is, we
need some independent polling to be done to establish who objectively
commands the most support.
Q: We also hear of egos coming in different forms on who is going to lead
the coalition, is that really necessary at this stage?
A: I am not sure the question of who should lead is necessary at this
stage. What we primarily need is agreement regarding the policies that will
be implemented in the event of the coalition winning. At present, all that
seems to bind the coalition together is the goal of removing President
Robert Mugabe and Zanu PF, and that is not enough. The electorate wants to
know what specific policies will be implemented. Accordingly, I think our
focus should shift from who will be our presidential candidate to what
policies do we all agree a coalition government will pursue.Secondly, I
think we need to discuss who will be in coalition Cabinet. Only one person
can be president but nearly all of those vying for the presidency would
make excellent Cabinet ministers. With this in mind, we need again to shift
our focus from who will be captain to who will be in the team.As any
football lover knows, the main component in establishing a winning team is
agreeing on who is best at goal keeping, who is best in the mid field and
who our best strikers are. The choice of captain is often the last thing we
think of and even when a captain is chosen, we always anticipate that a
captain may be injured and will need to be substituted.The performance of
the team obviously improves with a good captain who everyone respects but
its success is not absolutely dependent on who is captain. If we use the
same principle I think our focus should rather now be on who would be our
best Finance minister, our best Foreign minister, our best Defence minister
and so on. It seems to me that, for example, Morgan Tsvangirai would make
an excellent Labour or Foreign minister, Joice Mujuru an outstanding
Defence minister, Tendai Biti an experienced Finance minister, Nkosana Moyo
a brilliant minister of Commerce and Industry and so on.In other words,
whilst every single person presently aspiring for the highest office cannot
get that office, every single one of them should be included in a Cabinet.
Once we agree on that shadow Cabinet, our focus should be on selling that
and the policies it will implement. Once we have that team functioning,
towards the election, that team can agree on who should be the best captain
and vice-captain. The captain and vice-captain should be chosen on the
basis of who best unites the team and who inspires the supporters,
particularly the electorate.We do not have to choose the candidate for
president until just a few months before the election. But the main focus
on the campaign will not be on who is president but rather, the team as a
whole and the policies it will implement.
Q: Then also comes the Biometric Voter Registration (BVR) issue; is it a
positive initiative in holding a free and fair election?
A: In theory, BVR could improve our electoral system but as anyone will
tell you, any computer is only as good as the person operating it, and the
same applies to this system. The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (Zec) is
still hopelessly partisan and compromised and until we have a genuinely
independent Zec, the implementation or non-implementation of BVR will have
little impact on the fairness and legality of the electoral process.As I
have said publicly recently, I fear that BVR is just another red herring; a
devise used by a brazenly partisan Zec to delay the registration of voters
as long as possible so that the roll can be manipulated in favour of Zanu
PF. My fears in this regard have been heightened by the recent allegations
that the Chinese firm contracted to do the initial registration of voters
will not be involved in the final collation of the data and the production
of the final voters’ roll. As far as I am aware, Zec has not sought to
refute this story and if it is correct that a company like Nikuv will be
surreptitiously involved behind the scenes, then I see very little prospect
of free, fair and legal elections being held.
Q: Some have raised dust over the BVR kits supply tender being awarded to a
Chinese company, what’s your take?
A: I do not know enough about the technical details of the tender or
systems used to make any informed contribution towards which company was
best suited to win the tender. However, so long as Zec and its chair remain
brazenly partisan suspicions will remain, even if the Chinese company in
fact provides the best deal. In that regard, the recent allegation that the
Chinese firm itself has reservations about the process gives rise to mixed
emotions. On the one hand, if the story is true, then it is heartening to
know the Chinese company prides itself in its international reputation. On
the other hand, if Zec doesn’t respond to the story by demonstrating that
the electoral system will be lawful, fair and transparent, it will be a
further sign of the unsuitability of the current Zec leadership to run the
elections.
Q: We have seen some opposition parties initiating voter registration and
mobilisation campaigns, is it the best way to woo voters?
A: There is no doubt that all democratic parties need to mobilise their
supporters to register and vote despite whatever Zec is up to. In all
countries, it is incumbent upon political parties to get their own
supporters to register and vote and if they fail to do that, they cannot
blame the process.Even though Zec is partisan, elections are the only
peaceful, non-violent means we have of changing the government and so, we
all have no choice but to encourage our supporters to register and vote.
Q: What can you say opposition parties need to do in order to capture the
majority of non-voting but eligible voters who make up the largest
constituency in the country?
A: More than anything else, opposition parties and leaders need to inspire
those who have given up on politics that we can offer something better. One
of the worst things which happened during the inclusive government was that
both MDCs did not clearly differentiate themselves in their conduct from
Zanu PF. The electorate is wary of politicians who are only interested in
power, and not in the genuine transformation of the lives of common
Zimbabwean people. In that regard, I come back to the issue of formulating
and explaining the different policies which will be employed, which will
attract foreign investment, the reopening of factories and other businesses
and Zimbabwe’s reintegration into the international community. At the same
time the electorate needs to know who will run the various ministries
responsible for implementing these policies.
Q: We have the National Electoral Reforms Agenda (Nera) and other concerned
stakeholders playing a crucial role in pushing for electoral reforms, is
this achievable by the time we go to the elections?
A: Whilst I appreciate the great work that Nera is doing, we need to be
realistic and remember that Zanu PF is never going to agree to electoral
reforms which will lead to a level playing field. We must certainly
continue to wage this battle but our primary battle should be to forge
agreement on a coalition team and then sell the electorate an array of
policies which will be fundamentally different to the policies Zanu PF has
used to ruin Zimbabwe. Only then can we hope to achieve the landslide we
need to overcome the chicanery of Zanu PF and its acolytes in Zec.
Q: What can you say is the biggest dilemma currently faced by opposition
parties in the battle to remove 93-year-old Mugabe?
A: The biggest dilemma facing the parties in their battle to remove Mugabe
is that they are fixated by the very thing they abhor in Zanu PF —
personality driven politics. It is almost as if they have been infected by
the same virus that the ruining party suffers from, namely that everything
is dependent upon who will lead the party. In most democracies, the party
is bigger than its leaders it. The moment individuals become more important
than the party or its principles, the party is seriously undermined.
Q: Do you foresee Mugabe managing to stand as a presidential candidate in
next year’s elections, considering his age?
A: I think there is a serious convergence of powerful actors within Zanu PF
who will do all in their power to ensure that Mugabe will stand. Mugabe
himself wants to stand because he fears the loss of power. His immediate
family wants him to stand for the same reason. The G40 faction wants him to
stand because of their bitterness towards the Lacoste faction. And even
within the Lacoste faction, many will want Mugabe to stand because of their
understanding that they will find it easier to win a battle of Zanu PF
leadership when Mugabe dies or retires, than it will be winning a national
election. I think that applies to senior leaders within the military who
understand that it will be easier to coerce Zanu PF supporters within the
party to support a candidate of their choice than it will be to use the
military to coerce the entire nation to support an unpopular candidate. So,
we must assume that so long as Mugabe is alive and able to make the odd
appearance, he will be the Zanu PF candidate next year.
Q: How effective are anti-government demonstrations or protests?
A: These groups obviously have a constitutional right to demonstrate and it
is also important that issues such as the biased nature of Zec and State
violence be exposed so that no one in the international community can have
a free ride in arguing that our Constitution is being complied with.
However, shut downs and demonstrations have limited value in mobilising
people to register and vote and we need to understand those limitations.
Furthermore, many of these groups have been seriously infiltrated by agent
provocateurs and there is the constant danger that activities done in good
faith will be subverted and become violent, to provide the ruining party
with a pretext to shut down democratic space. So, we all need to be
constantly vigilant and realistic about what pressure groups can actually
achieve. It is important that we break the cycle of violence which has
plagued Zimbabwe for decades. For that reason alone, I think we need to
focus a whole lot more energy on forging a coalition, formulating viable
policies and then encouraging all Zimbabweans to register and vote.
Q: Talk of the Zanu PF succession politics where Defence minister Sydney
Sekeramayi has been introduced in the matrix, what do you make of that?
A: I remain convinced that Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa is the only
serious candidate likely to take over from Mugabe within Zanu PF. Whilst
minister Sekeremayi is undoubtedly respected within Zanu PF, I see little
evidence that he has the same driving ambition to be president as Mnangagwa
has. As stated above, I think though that so long as Mugabe is alive and
vaguely able to perform some of the duties expected of a head of State, he
will be their preferred candidate because even Mnangagwa understands that
it will be easier for him to be elected within Zanu PF than it will ever
be for him to win a national election. I think he is prepared to bide his
time and wait until after 2018. However, the one rider to this is that of
course we do not have accurate information about Mugabe’s health, which
someone like Mnangagwa is privy to. That will inform the political moves he
takes in the months ahead.
Q: Focusing on your former ministry, Primary and Secondary Education
minister Lazarus Dokora has lately been a man whose name is on many
people’s lips, your take?
A: I am deeply concerned about the direction the Education ministry is
taking. It seems to me that morale within the teaching profession in
particular is low, that the implementation of the new curriculum is not
going well, that teaching materials are not being made available and that
generally, the entire sector is deteriorating. Fortunately, we still have a
strong body of committed teachers who are the bedrock of our education
system. My policy was to give these teachers and school leaders as much
autonomy to do what they do so well — running schools. It appears to me
that my successor is determined to do the exact opposite — to rein in
teachers and headmasters, to withdraw autonomy from schools and to
centralise power and money at Ambassador House. If he continues down that
path, our teaching professionals will feel stifled and our entire education
system will suffer.
‘Elections a waste of time’
Newsday
6th July 2017
By Blessed Mhlanga
The government’s failure to implement electoral reforms and create a conducive environment for free, fair and credible elections makes the 2018 polls a futile academic excise, a leading political scientist has said yesterday.
Southern Africa Political and Economic Series director, Ibbo Mandaza told a University of Zimbabwe elections symposium that there was no need for Zimbabweans to be “hauled” through elections because of lack of conditions to have fair polls.
“Electoral malpractices in Zimbabwe legitimise the illegitimate. If we are to have elections, we need to reform State institutions,” he said.
Mandaza, who has been leading calls for a National Transitional Authority, in his presentation, accused State media of being captured, saying it would not be helpful in the polls.
“State media is polarised, it has been taken over by Lacoste. It’s a mess,” he said in reference to a Zanu PF faction reportedly pushing for Vice-President Emmerson Mnangagwa to succeed President Robert Mugabe.
Mandaza’s call comes as the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (Zec) also insisted that Zimbabweans living in the Diaspora and electoral officers would not vote, saying the law only provided for polling station-based voting.
Zec commissioner, Qhubani Moyo insisted that there would be no postal voting and deployment of those on duty on polling day would be determined by voting stations.
“Diaspora voting is limited by the law, which speaks to polling station-based voting. There needs to be review of the law to include the Diaspora,” he said.
However, human rights lawyer and former Education minister, David Coltart dismissed the submission, saying the Constitution was clear on voting rights.
“What a load of nonsense – the Constitution makes it quite clear that all citizens over 18, wherever they live, are entitled to vote,” he shot back.
The Elections Resource Centre was also quick to point out that Moyo was offside in his remarks because the Constitution was clear.
Driving lessons at primary school
The Standard
By Obey Manayiti
18th June 2017
BLAKISTON Primary School in Harare has started offering driving lessons as the government’s controversial education reforms begin to take root.
The government school in the capital’s Milton Park area notified parents about the new developments through a secular last week.
“Come and register at the school,” read the circular targeting those who want to take provisional and defensive driving oral lessons.
“For those who have registered, you can bring $10 for materials,” the circular added.
The school is also offering cake-making lessons and is considering introducing sewing lessons.
Primary and Secondary Education ministry spokesperson Patrick Zumbo said the lessons at Blakiston were part of the informal education programme introduced by the government.
“We are even encouraging people who are as old as me and who want to join non-formal education to come for such skills training being offered by schools,” he said.
“There is nothing wrong with that practice, in fact, we are even encouraging it.
“These are schools and previously we used to have what we called adult education where people were just being taught how to read and write.
“We have now gone beyond that and these are skills that we can offer to the communities for example metal work, someone might even say let me go and further my skills.”
Zumbo added: “Such people will come in under the non-formal group with their own class full of adult people who are only interested in gaining skills.
“We are encouraging almost all our schools including primary and secondary ones to introduce what we call non-formal education.”
Zumbo said the initiative was a way of giving back to society.
“Schools are there to service their communities and here it’s not only about monetary value,” he said. “We are a service provider and we are providing services to the communities.”
Primary and Secondary Education minister Lazarus Dokora has introduced a number of controversial reforms since he took over from David Coltart in 2013.
Government feared Coltart would alter history syllabus
NewZimbabwe.com
7th June 2017
FORMER Primary and Secondary Education Minister, David Coltart, says the government prioritises presidential and cabinet foreign trips while routinely allocating meagre budgets to the education sector.
Speaking at the Trust of Schools Zimbabwe Association meeting in Victoria Falls on Monday, Senator Coltart said for the past 25 years, the Zanu PF government has paid lip service to the notion that education is a budgetary priority.
“In government’s own financial statements issued last November, it was shown that last year government spent some $44 million on Presidential and Cabinet travel against less than $400, 000 on educational materials.
In other words, we actually spent, on educational materials, just one percent of the actual amount spent on Presidential and Cabinet travel. That alone displays a serious warped sense of priorities,” said Coltart.
The former minister said during his last month in office less than $50,000 was transferred from treasury to run over 8,000 schools.
“I have no doubt that the situation is even worse now. The attitude towards teachers is also given in the fact that soldiers and policemen were paid their bonuses earlier than teachers. All of this demonstrates a mind-set which does not prioritise education in reality,” Coltart said.
He said the Zimbabwe education sector not only needs major policy shift that goes much deeper than simply improving teachers’ salaries but it also requires a national consensus and that the government should start to invest heavily in that area.
“This major shift must also include a steep increase in the amount of money allocated to building new schools and, critically, the amount we allocate to maintain schools, provide teaching materials and textbooks. The fabric of most government and local council schools is in a shocking state of disrepair,” said Coltart.
Senator Coltart also took a dig at the new curriculum saying he doubted very much if was going to ensure excellence in the education sector.
“Not being an educationist, I have asked educationists who I trust to comment on it and what they have reported back raises major concerns as to the usefulness of this plan as a guideline for education of Zimbabwean children. The issue of “patriotism” is of course problematic-a thin disguise for the ruling party propaganda and brain washing,” he said.
Coltart said he started the process of curriculum reforms as a minister but was frustrated at every turn by Zanu PF operatives.
“There was a particular concern that I would change the history syllabus to make it less partisan. My successor continued the process but of course has enjoyed the full support of senior civil servants, resulting in the new curriculum.”
Coltart was widely credited for restoring a semblance of normalcy in the education sector during the inclusive government.
“Restoring excellence to Zimbabwe’s education sector” – Opening address by Senator David Coltart at CHIZ 2017 AGM
CHIZ AGM 2017 Pathway to Progress: People, Passion and Purpose
Victoria Falls – 5th June 2017
Opening address by Senator David Coltart
Introduction
I can’t tell you how delighted I am that I’ve been given an opportunity to speak to you today. It is almost 4 years since my office as Minister of Education ended. While I appreciate that many of you must’ve been greatly relieved to see the back of me, I greatly appreciated the opportunity of serving as Minister of Education. My time left me with a new appreciation of the importance of education for all Nations. I was also left with profound respect for our teachers, especially those who toil in poor rural schools and faithfully teach our children, often in exceptionally difficult circumstances.
When I left office I decided that it would be right not to criticise my successor but to get him a chance and to give him the benefit of doubt. I confess though to experiencing a growing sense of anxiety especially in the last year or so and on occasions I have felt compelled to voice my concerns. That said I do not think that this is right forum to personally criticise and I would rather take a leaf out of your theme “Pathway to Progress: People, Passion and Purpose” and rather speak in what I hope is a more constructive tone on what I believe we need to do to restore “excellence to Zimbabwe’s education sector.”
I should stress that using the phrase “restoring excellence” I do not suggest that excellence was achieved during my tenure. In fact I believe that all that was achieved during my tenure was the stabilization of an education sector which was in danger of collapse when I started in 2009. In fact I left the Ministry with an overwhelming sense of work unfinished.
As good as Zimbabwe’s education system has been in the past and still, in many respects, still is, I think that all non partisan educationalists would agree that the sector remains in crisis and much work has still to be done to make our system world class, which should be our aim.
I cannot do justice to the many complex issues facing the education sector in Zimbabwe today and so all I can use this morning is a broad brush to outline four areas which, in my view, need critical attention.
Funding
There is a widely held belief in Zimbabwe, certainly in Government circles, that our spending on education is at the very least adequate and some would argue good. Last week (on the 28th May) Deputy Minister Paul Mavhima was quoted in the Chronicle stating that “government reserves 25 % of its annual budget for Primary and Secondary Education”. There is no doubt that a large portion of what I term our theoretical Budget is allocated to education. By theoretical budget I refer to the Budget announced in parliament by the Minister of Finance. Even during the government of national unity Minister Biti announced in his Budget speeches very generous allocations to the Ministry of Education. However when I was Minister the amount which was actually transferred to the Ministry was a fraction of the amount in the theoretical budget. In fact in my last month in office less than $50,000 was transferred from treasury to run over 8,000 schools. I have no doubt that the situation is even worse now.
The reality is that for at least the last 25 years we have as a Nation merely paid lip service to the notion that education is a budgetary priority. The same applies to all of us, even in the private sector. We all simply do not appreciate what is needed to develop a world class education system – in short it requires a sustained national effort over decades to invest heavily in education. Even if we had actually paid the Ministry of Education the theoretical budgetary amount it would remain grossly insufficient to develop a world class education system.
In this regard it is instructive to consider what other Nations have done in the last 50 years. During this period 3 nations in particular have totally transformed their education systems namely, Finland, Singapore and South Korea. The leading education assessment think tank PISA (Programme for International Student Assessment) consistently put these three countries in the top 10 education countries in the world. They have the following similarities:
for over 40 years all have consistently invested heavily in education irrespective of which party has been in power; in other words there has been a broad national consensus
all have relatively low defence spending and relatively small governments
all have dramatically increased the stature and prestige of the teaching profession.
The last factor is critical. In Singapore teaching is now one of the sought after professions. Education faculties attract the best graduates . The best paid teachers in the world are in Singapore where a 2013 study revealed they earned an average of US$45,755 per year. South Korea was close behind in 3rd place. Finland is no different – in fact in Finland the law requires that teachers have a Master degree. In all these countries the teaching profession has great prestige.
Of course what we also know about these countries is that their economies have boomed during the same period they have invested in education. There are of course other countries such as Switzerland which also spend heavily in education, but I have deliberately focussed on these three because 50 years ago their economies were a similar size or even smaller than Zimbabwe’s.
If we contrast this with Zimbabwe it is clear that although government states that education is a priority in reality it isn’t. In government’s own financial statements issued last November it was shown that last year government spent some $44 million on Presidential and Cabinet travel against less than $400,000 on educational materials – in other words we actually spent on educational materials just 1% of the actual amount spent on Presidential and Cabinet travel. That alone displays a seriously warped sense of priorities. The attitude towards teachers is also given in the fact that soldiers and policemen were paid their bonuses earlier than teachers. All of this demonstrates a mind set which does not prioritize education in reality.
In essence what we need is major shift in policy that goes much deeper than simply improving teacher salaries and when we pay them. We need to build a national consensus that we will start to invest heavily in education. This must of course include progressively increasing the amount we pay teachers but must also include a progressive increase in the qualifications we require teachers to have. It must also include a steep increase in the amount of money allocated to building new schools and, critically, the amount we allocate to maintain schools, provide teaching materials and textbooks. The fabric of most government and local council schools is in a shocking state of disrepair.
The question most people will inevitably raise is where will this money come from? In the long term all depends on a future government’s ability to revive the Zimbabwean economy, which can be the only long term source of increased spending on the education sector. However in the short term, the most important policy change needs to be how we allocate existing finances. I have spoken about Presidential travel – whilst a huge reduction in that regard, and in general spending on the Cabinet, would be helpful, the shift in budgetary allocations needs to go much deeper than that. The major change in my view needs to come in defence and general security spending and in the size of government generally. We have a bloated military and simply do not need an army or airforce the size it is. Indeed many of the military barracks spread around Zimbabwe would make excellent schools and technical colleges.
Of course military spending cannot be reduced overnight because if we retrench thousands of soldiers without enabling them to have an alternative source of income that could result in major security concerns. Accordingly this must be seen as a process which will take at least a decade to effect. Part and parcel national commitment to increase education expenditure must be a commitment to systematically reduce the size of the military but at the same time soldiers due to be retrenched should be trained in other skills and financial assistance should be sourced to enable them to start their own businesses or enjoy a comfortable retirement.
The commitment to spend more on education should not be confined solely to the government of Zimbabwe. Parents must themselves be encouraged to make education more of a priority in both government schools and private schools. Whilst researching education in Singapore I noted that fees for private schools are between $10 k and $15 K per semester, in other words far more than private school fees in Zimbabwe. No doubt salaries are much better in Singapore than they are in Zimbabwe and so the average professional person working in Singapore can more easily afford fees like this, whereas in Zimbabwe the economy is struggling and most people are battling to pay the current level of fees. So I am not advocating a massive increase in private school fees; the point is simply that teachers are respected in Singapore as top professionals entitled to good salaries. Until we all understand that and change our mindset for the future we will never understand what we need to do if we aspire to have a world class education system in Zimbabwe. In essence until we start regarding teachers in Zimbabwe as top professionals in the same way we do Doctors, Engineers and Architects, and dare I say it -Lawyers – we will never reach the high standards achieved in countries like Singapore. This cannot happen overnight; it needs to be a generational project, but it requires a fundamental paradigm shift.
Let me say this as well – this also needs to be a global paradigm shift as well. Until the world starts spending less on defense and more on education, not only will many counties be left with sub standard education systems, but also the world will continue to become more unsafe for all. I have recently been appointed to a new body called the Atlantis Group which comprises some 20 former Ministers of Education, including both Barack Obama and David Cameron’s former Secretaries for Education Arne Duncan and Michael Gove. At our inaugural meeting in Dubai in March I spoke about this topic and pointed out the huge disparity between international spending on defense and education. The international community’s main organization to promote education the world over is the Global Partnership for Education. It is tasked with channelling resources provided by the leading democracies in the world and institutions like the World Bank to developing countries such as Zimbabwe. Its current annual budget is in the region of US$ 3 billion, which perhaps sounds a lot of money, but which pales into into significance when one understands the funding needs across the world, and how much money is spend on defense. Two examples illustrate my point: firstly President Trump recently announced that we proposed to increase the USA’s defense budget by 10% this year – the increase alone is $ 56 billion. Then just last week President Trump announced when he visited Saudi Arabia that the USA was going to sell $110 billion worth of weapons to the Saudis. Just 5 % of that money would almost treble the international spending on education, and would dramatically change educational outcomes for literally millions of children.
I need to emphasise that generally I am skeptical about the benefits of aid – I prefer the mantra “Trade not aid”. But having said that I recognize that most developing countries they simply do not have the resources necessary to invest heavily in the infrastructure needed to develop a world class education, and they need this assistance. And for those who are fixated by security concerns it is a well known facts that the rise in terrorism is rooted in poverty and hopelessness. Even the American military accept that unless coming generations are given a good education and through it hope of a better life, terrorism will continue to fester, no matter how many new nuclear weapons, aircraft carriers are produced. And to bring this debate full circle – the same applies in Zimbabwe. The reality is that we do not have any external threats to our national security; the greatest threat lies within our borders. If we do not give coming generations the best education possible we will breed battalions of young people who will be more tempted into crime and violence. But this will only happen if we have a national change of heart regarding how much we are going to invest in education – and this must involve all parties and all citizens, in all sectors.
2. Autonomy
I am often asked what I did to stabilize the education sector which was in such chaos when I took office and my answer usually is – “well actually not very much”. In truth whatever turn around we managed to achieve was due in large measure to the actions of headmasters and teachers countrywide who simply got on with the job. I am a great believer in delegating authority especially to professionals who have a passion for the calling, and education I found no different. I told my HQ staff that I wanted them to facilitate rather than obstruct and as you all know gave enormous autonomy to all schools, both private and government. My policy to allow incentives to be paid to teachers were rooted in the belief that it is good to involve parents in their children’s education. As I have studied education systems across the world it seems to me that the most effective systems are those where parents are heavily invested in their children’s education.
It is this area which has given me the greatest concern since leaving office because it appears my successor is determined to reverse whatever autonomy I had granted to teachers and parents. This is seen in the termination of incentives and the recent statements about the centralization of funds generated at schools by parents. I believe this is retrogressive step and that future education policy should allow increased autonomy to all schools, both government and private. In broad terms Government’s role should be confined to the construction and maintenance of schools and teacher training colleges, to ensuring that economies of scale are achieved in the production and supply of education materials, and that minimum standards are respected through a national system of evaluation. Beyond that schools should be allowed to function as autonomous units.
In this regard I need to comment on what appears to be a recent trend in some schools where Government appears to be trying to control private schools through the enforcement of SI 78 of 1992 – namely the establishment of SDCs which include a government representative on it. This has gained favor with some parents who are keen to have more say in the running of private schools. There are indeed some who state that parents should have the right to elect the Board of Governors of schools, and I suppose some may interpret my comments regarding autonomy to support their view.
In that regard I would not want my comments regarding autonomy to be misconstrued. When I speak of autonomy, I mean specifically autonomy from government control. This flows from the constitutional rights contained in sections 60(3) and (4) and 75(2) of the Constitution which gives parents and citizens the rights to determine the the moral upbringing of their children, including their education and to establish and run schools, and the rights of religious communities to establish institutions, including schools. In other words parents, citizens in general and religious communities have the right to establish educational institutions which should be unfettered by government controls. In schools established by religious communities this means that the religious communities which started and run schools have the right to run those schools in accordance with their beliefs and parents of children attending those schools have the right to choose whether to submit themselves to that ethos or to move their children to another school. In other words autonomy does not extend to parents having the right to take over the running of schools established by religious communities.
The same applies to secular private schools established by particular language groups or ethnic communities. Whilst those schools cannot be discriminatory in their admission policies, their governing Boards have absolute authority to run those schools. Once again parents attending those schools have a choice either to submit to the ethos of those schools or move their children elsewhere.
As a general comment I think we need too understand the fine balance that can and should be achieved between Trust or Boards of Governors and the parent body. Most trusts are made up of people who are not necessarily parents but people who subscribe to the founding ethos or faith of particular schools and who have a long term vision for the school. Parents by their very nature have enormous energy for their children and for the schools their children attend during the period their children attend those schools. But experience shows that most parents lose interest in the schools their children attend once they leave those schools. In other words there is a delicate balance and mutual understanding which should be achieved between governing Trusts and the parental body. Parental bodies tend to have more short term financial goals in mind which will benefit their own children whereas Trusts tend to take a longer view. Governing Trusts need to tap into the short term energy of parents so that it is fully utilized. But likewise parents need to appreciate that long term goals may sometimes conflict with short term goals of parents. In the short term parents may think it good to put a cap on teachers’ salaries, for example, because of their current financial woes. In the long term that may lead to a loss of quality teachers which undermine schools.
The point I making is that if we seek to achieve excellence in education we need to encourage autonomy but once autonomy has been granted to schools there needs to be a balance. Parents must not view autonomy as license to achieve short terms benefits for themselves and their children which may not be in the long term best interests of particular schools and education in general. Likewise governing Trusts, having been granted the right of autonomy by the Constitution must also achieve a balance and harness the productive energy of each generation of parents, by involving them as much as possible in the running of schools. This balance is critical if we are to achieve excellence in future.
3. Curriculum
There has been much publicity in the last year regarding the new curriculum and there is no doubt that if we are to achieve excellence in education we must get our curriculum right. As good as our curriculum has been in the past the Nzaramazanga Commission identified its major flaw in 1999, namely that it was too academically orientated and weak regarding vocational education. I started the process of curriculum reform as Minister but was frustrated at every turn by ZANU PF operatives who were determined to ensure that the curriculum would not be changed during my tenure. There was a particular concern that I would change the history syllabus to make it less partisan. My successor continued the process but of course has enjoyed the full support of senior civil servants, resulting in the new curriculum. At first glance the new curriculum attempts to address some of the concerns raised by the Nzaramazanga Commission but I do not believe that in its current form it is going to ensure excellence in education.
Not being an educationalist I have asked educationalists who I trust to comment on it and what they have report back raises major concerns as to the usefulness of this plan as a guideline for education of Zimbabwean children. Just to begin I it makes certain wrong assumptions about children and their conditions of learning. All children seem to be offered the same programme, whether or not it is relevant to them and whether or not it is possible to provide qualified and capable teachers and the necessary equipment – here I would point specifically to agriculture for all, ICT for all – and of course swimming, and the teaching of foreign languages, like Swahili and Chinese, also fall into this category.
Another general comment, which really is another way of saying part of what I have said above, is that the curriculum is totally unrealistic. There is no way that any time in the near future Zimbabwe can produce teachers that can teach such a syllabus. When a syllabus is unrealistic it allows teachers to disregard everything and do more or less what they feel comfortable with. It promotes a gap between ideas and what happens on the ground which is in the final analysis quite dangerous. Once again, schooling and reality are divorced – with ironically was one of the major criticisms of colonial education.
The issue of “patriotism” is of course problematic, a thin disguise for ruling party propaganda and brainwashing. You may be aware of the debate which the late Oxford historian Terrence Ranger initiated about “patriotic history”. His argument was that one can’t have ‘critical thinking’ in the context of patriotism. In the new curriculum virtually everything is focused on Zimbabwe and virtually nothing even on the region. This is what was done with the secondary school history and geography syllabi immediately after independence, and then later they broadened it a little.Ă‚Â
The new focus on mass displays is also worrying. “Mass displays” are North Korean specialities. The ideas of “harmony”, “collective”, “discipline” etc have the flavour (odour?) of totalitarianism, and I believe this is how they are intended here. Whilst they are not harmful as an activity of co-operation, fitting into a larger group, even aesthetics, they can certainly be misused to try to produce conformity. It seems to clear to me that that is the intention here. Indeed mass displays are emblematic of a desire to prevent children from innovation and the ability to question their surroundings and the order they live in.
There are other aspects of the curriculum which make little sense. For example why are primary children going to be taught foreign languages? In my view our focus should be on ensuring that every child is able to read, write and spell their mother tongue and English in primary school. Experts the world over are agreed that a good knowledge of one’s mother tongue is the most important educational building block one can give a child, followed by a good knowledge of English, the world’s business language. A foreign language in my view would properly belong in secondary school.Ă‚Â
Likewise Music and art activities are certainly important in the pre-school years, but require well-trained teachers for them not to be simply repetitive and non-creative. They require equipment, or at the very least an extremely imaginative teacher to make use of materials available in the environment.
My general impression of this is that this new curriculum is just for show. It attempts to make us look good and progressive when everyone knows that it can never be implemented.  We need to concentrate on the basic skills of literacy and numeracy with some knowledge of the social and physical environment, health, nutrition, and some simple productive experience. The arts should be for creative expression not for economic purposes at primary level. This is typical ZANU PF – showing off when there is no meaningful and realistic substance, copying bits and pieces from other jurisdictions without considering their transferability.
If anyone doubts what I am saying one need simply ask what provision has been made for training teachers to teach the new curriculum, for the production of new text books and equipment needed to teach the new subjects. The answer it clear – no provision has been made and there is little indication that the massive resources required to retrain teachers and produce millions of new text books are going to be made available in the near future.
In short the new curriculum, as presently structured and financed, is not the panacea we have been waiting for. If Zimbabwe is to achieve excellence in education we need to remove politicians from the process; we have thousands of highly competent educationalists both within the country and in the diaspora who need to be engaged to produce a curriculum which will prepare our children appropriately. And there cannot be one size which fits all; the curriculum must be tailored fun a way which recognizes the massive gulf between facilities available at schools in the short term and the current job market. In other words it must be tied to current realities and be linked to a broader economic plan which will see the transformation of Zimbabwe’s economy, and educational system in the medium and long term.
4. Education as business
Let me end on a constructive, positive note. For all my criticisms of current government policy my faith in Zimbabwe and her education sector remains firm. Zimbabwe in general and her education sector in particular has tremendous promise and great future if we implement sound policies now.
Key to this is the notion that education is business. There are a few facets to this phrase. Firstly the establishment of an excellent education system is the sine qua non of strong economic growth in future. Without our schools producing high quality engineers, doctors, technicians and architects our economy will never achieve its true potential. We are far too reliant on external skills, on people who do not have a passion for our nation because they aren’t citizens.
But secondly we, especially those of us involved in private education, must grasp that education in itself can become a growth industry and a generator of foreign exchange. Our private education sector has some unique comparative advantages which we are not exploiting. It is a fact that we have some of the finest teachers and education facilities in the world, we have a rich education legacy and despite the problems we face still enjoy some of the highest literacy rates anywhere. We are blessed with one of the best climates in the world, with delightful people, with relatively low crime rates. In addition nearly all our private schools offer real value for money. In other words Zimbabwean Trust schools already enjoy high levels of excellence.
Tragically because of the decline in the wider economy many Trust Schools are in financial difficulties and I am told that right across the nation there has been a decline in students. The Chinese use the same word to describe problem and opportunity – and we need to apply the same to our own outlook.
Now is the time to start marketing our tremendous product internationally. Virtually every school has wasted capacity. In my view we need a drive to attract foreign students and we should not restrict our vision to southern Africa. There are many parents in Asia, for example, who want their children to get an excellent understanding of English. Some pay tens of thousands of Pounds to educate their children in Britain, and yet we can provide them with an education which is just as good, if not even better, for half the price.
In short it time for the ATS to be more outward looking. It is time for ATS to start branding our schools internationally. A concerted drive in this regard would alleviate immediate short term financial woes but more importantly in the medium and long term would force all of us to compare our product with what is offered internationally. One key to excellence is being internationally competitive. The time for resting on our rather parochial national standard is over.
I wish you all the very best in your deliberations this week.
Senator David Coltart
Victoria Falls
Monday 5th June 2017