The Herald
Herald Reporter

As the feuding MDC factions head for a final split with the election of a new president by one of the camps set for Sunday, the party’s secretary for legal affairs, Mr David Coltart has come up with what he calls a “five-point plan” to manage an amicable split.

Regarding his proposal, Mr Coltart, who has refused to align himself to either camp, indicated yesterday that he was still consulting with leaders of both factions but had proposed that both camps agree on:

– the addition of a suffix or prefix to their party names so that no group has an unfair advantage over another;

– how to share party properties;

– neither faction approaching the Speaker of Parliament seeking the removal of any MPs to precipitate by-elections;

– neither group using the MDC’s open palm symbol as that might give them an unfair advantage; and

– the groups reaching an agreement on the use of party slogans.

The troubled opposition party – whose long-simmering disagreements were brought to the fore by sharp differences over participation in last year’s Senate elections – was torn into two openly antagonistic camps that are scheduled to hold separate congresses over the next four weeks.

The rift is bound to widen as the camp led by deposed leader Mr Morgan Tsvangirai is set to lose out on the $8 billion in State funds the party got under the Political Parties Finance Act since the Gibson Sibanda-led group is adamant that it is the bona fide MDC.

The development follows communication sent to party secretary general Professor Welshman Ncube by the Minister of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs, Cde Patrick Chinamasa, advising him of Government’s intention to release the MDC share to him.

Government allocated $20 billion this year to the two eligible parliamentary political parties – MDC and Zanu-PF – to be shared according to each party’s parliamentary representation.

Sources in the Sibanda camp said they would not release any money to the pro-Tsvangirai cabal.

“Why would we give money to people who have left the party? They have since ceased to be party members by virtue of them continuing to follow a leader who has been expelled from the party,” said a high-ranking official in the Sibanda faction in apparent reference to Mr Tsvangirai.

Prof Ncube was evasive on the issue of funds yesterday, referring questions to MDC national treasurer Mr Fletcher Dulini-Ncube, who could not be reached for comment.

Mr Tsvangirai’s spokesman, Mr William Bango, accused the Sibanda-led faction of looting party property, including the State funds.

He said the action his group would take would be determined by their congress set for next month.

“Mr Tsvangirai said when he formed the MDC with (Mr) Sibanda (who was elected party deputy president) and (Mr Isaac) Matongo (who became national chairman) in 1999, they had a capital base of $200 million and the view is that money is not the heart and soul of the party. The party will move ahead with or without the money from Government.

“He (Mr Tsvangirai) still maintains that the funds are from taxpayers’ money and that we, as a party, are entitled to it.

“However, the issue of party assets and other benefits that include the money would be dealt with at the congress,” Mr Bango said.

Meanwhile, the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) said it would attend both MDC congresses and would deliver solidarity messages to both.

In a statement, NCA chairman Dr Lovemore Madhuku pledged support for both factions.

“The NCA will treat each of the political parties in the same way it treats other political parties. Any Zimbabwean political party, whatever its history, is free to join and participate in the activities of the NCA as long as it shares the NCA’s beliefs,” said Dr Madhuku.

“However, it is the NCA’s experience that not every political party which joins the NCA puts the same effort in the struggle for a new constitution.

“The NCA will, therefore, work closely with those political parties who, by action on the ground, show a genuine commitment to the struggle for a new, people-driven constitution.”

Peta Thornycroft

The recent split in Zimbabwe’s Movement for Democratic Change has the country’s opposition in disarray. However, a potential new leader has moved into view.
Arthur Mutambara is a former student leader who is now recognized as one of Africa’s most prominent scientists.

Fifteen years ago at the University of Zimbabwe he lead the student opposition to the ruling Zanu PF.

According to records at the university he was a brilliant engineering student, who won every scholarship he applied for.

After completing his doctorate at Britain’s Oxford University he went on to the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and became professor at several other universities in the United States. Unlike many African academics, Mutambara was always determined to return to Africa.

Over the weekend he arrived back in Zimbabwe from Johannesburg where he heads up an African scientific institution for talks with leaders of one faction of the MDC. Some in this faction want him to make himself available as a candidate for the top job, as president.

Late Monday he confirmed his re-entry into Zimbabwe politics, and said he hoped the enthusiasm of a new leadership which he said was untainted by current disagreements, would make unification of the two factions of the MDC possible.
According to the MDC’s constitution any one of the 12 provinces would have to nominate him and authorized delegates to the party’s congress next Sunday will vote for a new president.

Should he get the necessary nomination, and win the vote, analysts say his political past, intellectual prowess and reputation as a leader, would do much to revive Zimbabwe’s stalled opposition politics and could lead to the two factions re-uniting.
The faction of the MDC lead by party president Morgan Tsvangirai declined to comment on Mutambara’s sudden re-entry into Zimbabwe’s opposition political scenario.

Tsvangirai’s faction is holding its congress next month, but he is certain to be the only candidate for the top job.

The MDC split last October over adherence to the party’s constitution.
Tsvangirai said that even though a narrow majority of party executives voted to participate in the first ever elections for a senate last November, the MDC should not take part.

He said participation was a waste of time and money and the electoral playing field was not level.

Most of the MDC’s top leaders rebelled against him, saying he had defied the party’s constitution.

The party split into two factions with both declaring themselves to be authentic.
A senior MDC official, legal secretary David Coltart, who has remained outside of either faction is trying to arrange what he describes as an “amicable” divorce between the two sides.

New Zimbabwe

A FACTION of Zimbabwe’s divided opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) loyal to party leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, has petitioned Zimbabwe’s Speaker of Parliament to ignore parliamentary appointments made by an opposition faction last week.

Innocent Gonese, was the MDC’s parliamentary chief whip until a faction loyal to Tsvangirai’s deputy, Gibson Sibanda, replaced him with Kwekwe MP Blessing Chebundo soon after gaining control of the parliamentary party last week.

Sibanda also unveiled a new shadow cabinet. The group claims the support of 23 MPs from the 41 MDC MPs in Zimbabwe’s parliament.

Parliamentary sources told New Zimbabwe.com Thursday that Gonese had written to John Nkomo, the Speaker of Parliament, urging him to ignore the appointments and “maintain the status quo”.

“Gonese basically urged the Speaker to maintain the status quo until advised otherwise,” said one parliamentary source.

He added: “The sum total of this development is that it places the Speaker in a quandary as to which side to listen to, having received two conflicting claims from two groups from the same party.”

Nkomo and his deputy Kumbirai Kangai were not in Parliament this week and it remains unclear if Gonese’s intervention will be taken seriously.

New Zimbabwe.com understands that Bulawayo South MP, David Coltart, who has declined to align himself with any of the factions is approaching both groups with a five-point plan to secure an “amicable divorce”.

The areas that the two groups need to agree on include:

o The addition of a suffix or prefix by both groups to the party name so that one group does not have an unfair advantage through the use of the party name.

o Agreeing on how to share the party properties

o Agreeing that neither faction will approach the Speaker seeking the removal of any MPs and precipitating by-elections

o Agreeing that neither group will use the MDC’s open hand symbol as that may give the other group unfair advantage

o Reaching an agreement on the use of party slogans (although this is considered of lesser significance)

A ruling Zanu PF MP watching the developments in the MDC warned that short of an amicable solution to the party’s internal wrangling, Zimbabweans could soon be marching to vote in by elections across the country.

“If they don’t handle this situation carefully, by elections seem certain,” the MP who declined to be named said. “One group might target the other and ask the Speaker to declare certain seats vacant. Instead of having by elections in a few seats, we could end up with by elections right across the country and Zanu PF will emerge the biggest winner.”

The Zimbabwean
by Paul Themba Nyathi

EDITOR – JR Mutare makes false and unsubstantiated claims against Professor Welshman Ncube, the MDC Secretary General. He casts negative aspersions on Professor Ncube’s integrity as a leader and makes malicious allegations that are clearly meant to project him as an unreliable and manipulative character, who went into negotiations with Zanu (PF) without the approval of his party. He also tries to project Ncube as someone who is in the habit of doing things behind the backs of his colleagues.
We state the true facts surrounding the much talked about informal dialogue with Zanu (PF), for the benefit of JR Mutare and others, who might have also been falsely made to believe that Ncube went into negotiations with the ruling party without approval from his party. He was appointed in his capacity as the Secretary General of MDC, by the National Executive, to head the party’s negotiating team with Zanu (PF). After the collapse of the formal dialogue facilitated by the Secretary General of the African National Congress, Kglema Montlante and a representative from President Olusegun Obasanjo, it was felt that the only realistic and available option to resolve the country’s national crisis was through a negotiated settlement.

In order to clear the ground for a formal dialogue with the ruling party, it was proposed and agreed by the National Executive that Ncube engage his counterpart Patrick Chinamasa. It was agreed that the constitution should be revisited. The two therefore negotiated around the content of a new constitution which could be used as a gateway to fresh elections.

During the entire process Ncube briefed both Morgan Tsvangirai and Gibson Sibanda weekly and obtained their consent to each part of the draft constitution as it evolved.

On completion, the party’s management committee discussed it and took it to the National Executive where it was further discussed and agreed to in principle.

The writer also falsely alleges that POSA and AIPPA were drafted by Ncube and Chinamasa. This allegation is not worth responding to. Since when has Jonathan Moyo become a credible source of information?

Why would a serious political observer rely on Nathaniel Manheru’s column?

It is a matter of public record that Ncube, and the late Dr Eddson Zvobgo, as members of the Parliamentary Legal Committee, passed an adverse report on both POSA and AIPPA, which the committee described as “the most calculated attack on our civil and political liberties.” It was only after the adverse report that the Minister of Justice, with Professor Jonathan Moyo protesting, decided to make concessions and redrafted some of the provisions of AIPPA. As a result of the redrafting, the Parliamentary Legal Committee decided to withdraw its adverse report on AIPPA.

Those records will show that Professor Ncube, Hon David Coltart, Hon Tendai Biti and others, strenuously opposed each and every close of both AIPPA and POSA.

Paul Themba Nyathi
Secretary for Information and Publicity

Sydney Morning Herald
By Rochelle Mutton in Johannesburg

THE problem with Zimbabwean money is that in the hyper-inflated economy, notes have become worth less than the paper they’re printed on.
To try to keep up with runaway inflation, Zimbabwe’s central bank has released a new $Z50,000 note.
Word on the street is to spend it quickly. As the Zimbabwe dollar has been notoriously prone to counterfeit, the new $Z50,000 note – technically a cheaply printed “bearer’s cheque” – expires at year’s end.
But a use-by-date is hardly necessary, with the Reserve Bank governor warning that inflation will soon nudge 800 per cent.
Upon issue, the new note carried the buying power of only a loaf of bread, a kilogram of mealie (the staple maize meal), or about three eggs – none of which are in guaranteed supply. In Zimbabwe, $Z50,000 converts to about 40 Australian cents at the official exchange rate.
Featuring a gaudy, Monopoly-like print of the Victoria Falls, this latest complement to the Zimbabwe currency is fast being associated with “a plunging precipice”, in a light-hearted email doing the local rounds.
The Opposition legal affairs spokesman, David Coltart, said Zimbabwe needs a $Z5 million note.
“The rate inflation is going, it will be in need of replacement before it has even been distributed to all the banks throughout the country,” he said. “The new note buys an absolute maximum of five litres of fuel, sold at old prices, but as from late last week it probably would only buy between two and three litres.”
Zimbabwe is in the throes of economic hemorrhaging, with unemployment at about 80 per cent, power failures, chronic fuel shortages and about 4.3 million people reliant on international food aid this year.
The International Monetary Fund, which has been holding talks in Harare this month, has called for improvements in governance, liberalisation of currency exchange rates, strengthening of property rights and reform of inefficient, corrupt and dept-ridden state enterprise and government bodies.
Since white-owned farms were seized in 2000 – devastating the economy – the IMF has suspended all loan programs to Zimbabwe.