Zimbabwe Talks Move Toward Compromise

VOA
By Peta Thornycroft
16 October 2009

Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe has made some compromises over distribution of cabinet portfolios according to the state controlled and owned Herald newspaper Thursday. Peta Thornycroft reports from Harare a partial agreement is expected Thursday after two full days of intense and long sessions of negotiations mediated by former South African president Thabo Mbeki.

Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe arrives at hotel in Harare on October 15, 2008 for the second day of talks, which are being mediated by former South African President Thabo Mbeki
At stake for prime minister designate Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of the Movement for Democratic Change party, is the ability to run a new government and deliver relief urgently to the people of Zimbabwe.

He signed up to a power sharing agreement last month but it broke down at the weekend when Mr. Mugabe assigned all the security ministries to his ZANU-PF party. ZANU-PF now sits on the opposition benches in parliament following the narrow MDC victory in the March elections.

Tsvangirai has let it be known that he is deeply concerned about the sudden and dramatic upsurge in hunger nationwide, particularly in the south of Zimbabwe.

Several Legislators from the south, in Harare for parliament, said children under five are beginning to die in their rural areas. One legislator said he believes this is the worst food insecurity in living memory in the Matabeleland North province.

Senator David Coltart said Wednesday he is watching people shrivel in front of his eyes in his district in second city Bulawayo.

Food agencies have not yet begun any meaningful distribution of emergency feeding to many areas under threat of mass starvation, as they were banned in June by the government for three critical months from making preparations for emergency feeding. They are now trying to catch up but hunger stalks most of the population which goes to bed hungry at night.

Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) President Morgan Tsvangirai in Harare, 15 Oct. 2008
The pressure therefore is also on Tsvangirai to find a way through the talks to be able to form a government.

The dispute over ministries narrowed in the last day to the crucial ministries of finance and home affairs.

The finance ministry would allow Tsvangirai to control the aid he hopes the west will provide to rebuild the social
welfare ministries he will control.

Home affairs, controls the police. However Mr. Mugabe, with his vast portfolio of powers embedded in the executive presidency, can appoint the commissioner of police even if Tsvangirai has some power over the every day affairs of the large police force.

Several policemen in Harare in bank queues in the last few days said they were hungry, were not paid enough, and did not want to be controlled by Mr. Mugabe.

However the senior ranks of the police, such as those in the army and intelligence services, have been given white owned farms by Mr. Mugabe.

The unlocking of the deadlock declared by Tsvanirai last week will attract both praise and criticism from Zimbabweans. Many of the poor in the streets say they are desperate for a change, any change.

Others say he would be settling for an inferior deal in which he would be providing respectability in the international arena for Mr Mugabe who will continue to wield the real power.

No one , however, seems to have suggestions of any alternative to an attempt at a government of national unity.

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Zimbabwe Talks Move Toward Compromise

VOA
By Peta Thornycroft
Harare
16 October 2008

Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe has made some compromises over distribution of cabinet portfolios according to the state controlled and owned Herald newspaper Thursday. Peta Thornycroft reports from Harare a partial agreement is expected Thursday after two full days of intense and long sessions of negotiations mediated by former South African president Thabo Mbeki.

At stake for prime minister designate Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of the Movement for Democratic Change party, is the ability to run a new government and deliver relief urgently to the people of Zimbabwe.

He signed up to a power sharing agreement last month but it broke down at the weekend when Mr. Mugabe assigned all the security ministries to his ZANU-PF party. ZANU-PF now sits on the opposition benches in parliament following the narrow MDC victory in the March elections.

Tsvangirai has let it be known that he is deeply concerned about the sudden and dramatic upsurge in hunger nationwide, particularly in the south of Zimbabwe.

Several Legislators from the south, in Harare for parliament, said children under five are beginning to die in their rural areas. One legislator said he believes this is the worst food insecurity in living memory in the Matabeleland North province.

Senator David Coltart said Wednesday he is watching people shrivel in front of his eyes in his district in second city Bulawayo.

Food agencies have not yet begun any meaningful distribution of emergency feeding to many areas under threat of mass starvation, as they were banned in June by the government for three critical months from making preparations for emergency feeding. They are now trying to catch up but hunger stalks most of the population which goes to bed hungry at night.
The pressure therefore is also on Tsvangirai to find a way through the talks to be able to form a government.

The dispute over ministries narrowed in the last day to the crucial ministries of finance and home affairs.

The finance ministry would allow Tsvangirai to control the aid he hopes the west will provide to rebuild the social
welfare ministries he will control.

Home affairs, controls the police. However Mr. Mugabe, with his vast portfolio of powers embedded in the executive presidency, can appoint the commissioner of police even if Tsvangirai has some power over the every day affairs of the large police force.

Several policemen in Harare in bank queues in the last few days said they were hungry, were not paid enough, and did not want to be controlled by Mr. Mugabe.

However the senior ranks of the police, such as those in the army and intelligence services, have been given white owned farms by Mr. Mugabe.

The unlocking of the deadlock declared by Tsvanirai last week will attract both praise and criticism from Zimbabweans. Many of the poor in the streets say they are desperate for a change, any change.

Others say he would be settling for an inferior deal in which he would be providing respectability in the international arena for Mr Mugabe who will continue to wield the real power.

No one , however, seems to have suggestions of any alternative to an attempt at a government of national unity.

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Zimbabwe cabinet squabble holds up aid

ABC
By Africa correspondent Andrew Geoghegan
Posted Fri Oct 10, 2008 8:33am AEDT

Zimbabwe’s opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), says a deadlock over power sharing arrangements with President Robert Mugabe is plunging the country into deeper economic hardship.

MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai is calling for urgent foreign mediation amid claims that Zimbabwean people will starve if the crisis is not fixed.

Mr Tsvangirai is adamant that his party will have significant power in Zimbabwe’s new unity Government. He wants to take charge of the Home Affairs Ministry, which controls the police, but Mr Mugabe refuses to give it up.

The deadlock means that more than three weeks after signing a power sharing deal, Zimbabwe is effectively still without a government.

Mr Tsvangirai is calling on former South African president Thabo Mbeki to resume his role as mediator.
The deadlock has delayed any economic relief and Zimbabweans are now desperately trying to feed themselves as inflation moves beyond 230 million per cent.

Senator David Coltart from the Movement for Democratic Change says most people can no longer afford food.

“So we simply can’t go on like this for much longer without there being a very serious risk that people will start dying in their thousands,” he said.

The country’s economic meltdown is expected to continue until the MDC and Robert Mugabe’s Zanu-PF party settle on the allocation of cabinet positions.

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New talks collapse

Financial Gazette
Njabulo Ncube, Political Editor
9th October 2008

A FRESH round of negotiations to unlock the impasse over the allocation of ministries between the two formations of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and ZANU-PF collapsed last night with President Robert Mugabe’s negotiating team dangling the release of Morgan Tsvangirai’s passport as a bargaining chip.

Before the negotiations yesterday, former South African president Thabo Mbeki had to shelve his trip to Harare after being advised to allow the three parties to iron out their differences without recourse to the Southern African Development Community (SADC) appointed mediator.

Mbeki was reportedly due in the capital on Tuesday at the invitation of the MDC, which had asked SADC to salvage the dialogue.

ZANU-PF and MDC negotiators have been locked in marathon talks for almost two weeks but have hit a brick wall over the allocation of the 31 ministerial posts.

While ZANU-PF claims the dispute revolves round the ministries of Finance and Home Affairs, the MDC is adamant the stalemate is on all Cabinet portfolios and the 10 posts for provincial governors.
ZANU-PF has since last week demanded all key ministries in the all-inclusive government, but Tsvangirai has rejected an uneven distribution of portfolios.

“We are still in the same deadlock. We failed to agree. ZANU-PF is trying to give us a bicycle without wheels but we are refusing to ride that bicycle,” MDC-T chief negotiator, Tendai Biti told The Financial Gazette last night. “As MDC we are discussing among ourselves whether the principals should meet or call in the facilitator,” Biti added.

Earlier ZANU-PF chief negotiator, Patrick Chinamasa accused the MDC of endangering the talks by negotiation in public.He said: “The MDC is prejudicing talks by trying to negotiate in public. That will not assist the process. That is a sure way of collapsing the negotiations.” Chinamasa said there was no need to involve Mbeki at this stage. “We must keep talking. The facilitator (Mbeki) is not going to run this country,” he said.

Sources privy to the talks said the release of Tsvangirai’s passport was being used by ZANU-PF negotiators to force the MDC leader to accept whatever ministerial posts foisted on him and his team.
They claimed meetings with Kembo Mohadi yesterday proved fruitless after the Home Affairs Minister allegedly told the MDC the passport was with President Mugabe.

Tsvangirai’s spokesman, George Sibotshiwe said the MDC leader had been promised his passport yesterday but was shocked that it had taken the spotlight in the allocation of ministerial posts.
“We now believe they are using the passport to tempt him to sign,” said Sibotshiwe.

“This morning when we went to the RG (Registrar General)’s office, they told us point blank to phone President Mugabe. We have no doubt the passport is being used as a bargaining chip,” he said.
But Presidential spokesman, George Charamba dismissed MDC claims that his boss was holding on to Tsvangirai’s passport, saying that the MDC leader was frustrated because his political machinations were not falling into place as planned by his handlers.

“How does he know that ZANU-PF is using his passport as bait? Let him ask for a passport in a proper way,” Charamba said.

“The RG’s office has a constitutional mandate to issue passports and other identity documents. But I know why he is saying that. Tsvangirai is frustrated because he wanted to hold a joint press conference with Mutambara but Mutambara did not show up. We also know why his party is demanding the Home Affairs ministry. They held discussions in Pietermaritzburg, South Africa recently but we can’t go into that now,” he said.

In a brief telephone interview, Mohadi yesterday said his superiors in government were handling the Tsvangirai passport issue. “He (Tsvangirai) is my boss but there are other superiors that can help him. So if he has a problem he should go to his boss in government,” said Mohadi.

Tsvangirai yesterday postponed a press conference at his home on the stalled power-sharing agreement to today.

Leader of South Africa’s ruling African National Congress Jacob Zuma on Tuesday threw his weight behind Mbeki’s mediation.

But analysts doubt if Mbeki still has the clout to deal with the differences threatening the deal following his ouster last month.

Eldred Masunungure, a political scientist with the University of Zimbabwe believes Mbeki would now be more of a lame duck mediator.

“He has been weakened a great deal. He is still smarting from his recall. I don’t see him coming to the mediation with the kind of stamina, zeal and robustness he displayed during previous missions,” said Masunungure.

Useni Sibanda, the coordinator of the Christian Alliance of Zimbabwe, which has also been monitoring the dialogue, said SADC now needed to bring in the extended team of United Nations and African Union officials to assist Mbeki.

“The reference team is now needed more than before,” said Sibanda. “The leverage he had as South African state president is no longer there. It is time the other members of the reference group came into the picture to assist him otherwise I don’t see the negotiating parties giving Mbeki the same respect he enjoyed in the past one year,” Sibanda said.

The discord in the negotiations is beginning to attract sharp criticism from parliamentarians.
Mwenezi East Member of Parliament, Kudakwashe Bhasikiti, this week told a parliamentary caucus that the national leadership was letting the nation down. Bhasikiti requested Chinamasa to convey an appeal to the three principals in the negotiations as a matter of urgency saying the crisis threatened to spin out of control.

“When the power sharing deal was signed we all celebrated hoping that relief was coming. But nearly a month later nothing has happened and people are getting disillusioned,” Bhasikiti said.

David Coltart, the legal affairs secretary for the Mutambara-led MDC, said while failure to name a new cabinet was regrettable people should not despair.

“We need to be tolerant, patient and lower our expectations. The deal is only three weeks old yet it took Kenya five months to come up with a national unity government,” said Coltart.

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Exodus Of South African Ministers Adds To Zimbabwe Power-Sharing Concerns

VOA
By Delia Robertson & Blessing Zulu
Johannesburg & Washington
23 September 2008

The resignation on Tuesday of 11 South African ministers following that of President Thabo Mbeki increased concern the shuffle in Pretoria could have a negative impact on the delicate power-sharing transition already running into difficulty in Zimbabwe.

VOA’s Delia Robertson reported from Johannesburg that Finance Minister Trevor Manuel said he would be willing to work with the incoming president.

The resigning ministers included Local Government Minister Sydney Mufamadi, a key member of the outgoing president’s Zimbabwe mediation team.

Top ZANU-PF and MDC officials said the Pretoria crisis could lead to the collapse of the Zimbabwe power-sharing process if it is not properly managed. However, they were all quick to add that Zimbabwe is in charge of its own destiny.

Nonetheless, political analyst Sydney Masamvu of the International Crisis Group in Pretoria told reporter Blessing Zulu of VOA’s Studio 7 for Zimbabwe Mufamadi’s resignation increases the risk that the Zimbabwe peace process could founder.

Meanwhile, inter-party discussions on forming a unity cabinet seemed unlikely to resume until Oct. 5, when president Robert Mugabe will be back in the country. Mr. Mugabe has traveled to New York to attend the United Nations General Assembly and was expected to address the general assembly on Thursday afternoon.

Developments in Harare, meanwhile, indicated the gap between the parties to the Sept. 15 power-sharing agreement is widening. An opinion piece in the state-controlled Herald newspaper signed by Nathaniel Manheru, believed to be a pen-name for Mugabe spokesman George Charamba, has caused consternation among MDC officials.

The columnist warned against conducting an audit of land in the hands of ministers and top officials of Mr. Mugabe’s ZANU-PF party, branding the MDC leadership “traitors.” the writer asserted that it is Mugabe’s sole prerogative to name ministers.

The New York Times quoted MDC founder Morgan Tsvangirai as saying that “if that is the spirit in which we go into the marriage, it has finished before it has started.”

Elsewhere, Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa said the new government cannot be formed until an amendment to the constitution has been enacted, so the unity government might not be put in place until November.

But Legal Secretary David Coltart of the MDC formation headed by Arthur Mutambara told reporter Blessing Zulu that Chinamasa was misinterpreting the law.

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Making the deal work

The Guardian,
Tuesday September 16 2008
Editorial

Thabo Mbeki has got his deal in Zimbabwe, although too late, probably, to save his own skin in South Africa. Robert Mugabe retains the presidency and control over the army, and Morgan Tsvangirai, the man who bears the physical scars of his regime, has at last got executive power as prime minister. Will any of this work? As the opposition Senator David Coltart said, the deal signed yesterday means that virtually all of the cabinet members nominated by the two factions of the Movement for Democratic Change have now to sit down with the very people who ordered them to be brutalised.

For those seeking justice for the hundreds killed, the thousands injured, and the tens of thousands who have lost their homes, this was always going to be hard to swallow. Mr Mugabe has got away with murder, at least for the time being. But if the two factions of the MDC can work together – and that is a big if – the former liberation fighter turned autocrat will still have lost, and lost disastrously.
He retains the army, but the generals will abide by the constitution. The MDC gains control of the police, which is vital if elections are to be held in two years time. No one is in any doubt that if free elections were held, Zanu-PF would be wiped off the map. The issue is what happens between now and then. Zanu-PF are expected to retain control of the prisons and the prosecuting authorities. They fear that prosecutors, unleashed from their control, would do to them what they did to the MDC. But that still leaves the MDC not only with finance (they will be the conduit of the foreign aid package) but also the ministries which spend money, like health and education.

This puts the former opposition movement into a position where power and influence will naturally flow to them. They will be the ones distributing food and relief to the hardest hit rural areas. No longer will Zanu-PF be able to starve villagers into submission. That, in itself, is change.

There is much that can sour. Mr Mugabe’s power lies in his ability to exploit the personality differences between the two factions of the MDC. Everyone remembers what his close embrace did to Joshua Nkomo’s Zapu. But this is a power which the MDC can resist, if they set about the business of government collectively. As the MDC’s power grows, life will become progressively more difficult for hardliners in Zanu-PF who face the threat of a free press and private prosecutions. That is the optimistic scenario. But it still remains the case that this settlement is the MDC’s to wreck. They have the support of the people, control of the coffers, and the confidence of foreign governments. The question is whether they can deliver.

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Rivals in Zimbabwe sign power-sharing agreement

New York Times
By Celia Dugger
15 September 2008

HARARE, Zimbabwe — After almost three decades of untrammeled power, President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe on Monday signed an agreement that gives his longtime rival, Morgan Tsvangirai, the authority to shape and carry out government policies as the country’s new prime minister.

The power-sharing deal, a momentous development in one of the world’s most repressive countries, was celebrated by a rambunctious audience of Tsvangirai’s backers who clapped, hooted, danced and chanted from purple upholstered seats.

Among them were party activists who had gone into hiding for months before the June runoff election — widely denounced as a sham — and others who have been victims of state-sponsored violence over the years.

“I came to make sure my big fishes have not betrayed me and to make sure I’m walking in a free country,” said Godknows Nyamweda, 36, a local ward councilor here who rolled up his sleeve to show scars where he said he had been sliced by a knife.

As a brass band struck up a gospel tune, opposition supporters put their own words to it, singing, “Tsvangirai, can I turn to you in hard times?”

The question is whether this deal will help bring better times to a country where the economy has been shrinking for 10 straight years, most people are out of work, millions are hungry, and inflation tops an almost incomprehensible 11 million percent.

Some political analysts think the agreement, almost two months in the making, may be the beginning of the end of Mugabe’s years in power, while others doubt he will relinquish control of the security forces that have enforced his 28-year rule or question whether the two men can work together given the animosities between them.

Tanzania’s President Jakaya Kikwete, chairman of the African Union, voiced the concern on many minds: “Will it hold or will it not? That is the question,” he said.

During the election campaign, Mugabe vowed never to cede power to his rival, and experts believe the 84-year-old president will try to thwart Tsvangirai at every turn.

“He’s been forced into this. I think he recognizes that he has no choice,” David Coltart, a lawmaker from an opposition faction, said of Mugabe. “I have no doubt that he’s going to probably try to buy time. And I think that it’s going to be a very difficult arrangement for Morgan Tsvangirai to manage.”

Still, the tableau of President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa, who brokered the deal, drawing together the hands of Mugabe, Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara, leader of a small opposition faction, in a blaze of flash bulbs raised hopes that change is coming.

Tsvangirai — who’s been beaten, jailed and tried for treason until a court dismissed the charges — said Monday that he struck the deal despite misgivings.

“I have signed this agreement because my belief in Zimbabwe and its people runs deeper than the scars I bear from the struggle,” he said.

Mugabe himself said as he spoke for the better part of an hour: “We are committed to the deal. We will do our best.”

The deal, though signed, is not yet done. Mugabe, Tsvangirai and Mutambara, who will be one of two deputy prime ministers, put their names to it with great fanfare before heads of state from across Africa, but a critical element is still unresolved: How they will divvy up responsibility for the most powerful state institutions, including the army, the police and the finance ministry.

As hundreds of people practically stampeded the auditorium Monday for the ceremony, the men were still negotiating which party would get what ministries.

Under the terms of the deal, the two opposition parties are to get 16 ministries to the governing party’s 15. It is the opposition’s control of slightly more than half the ministries, combined with its narrow majority in Parliament that has bolstered its hopes that it will finally gain entry to Zimbabwe’s power structure. Unless the opposition Movement for Democratic Change takes over key ministries from the governing party, ZANU-PF, which has been in power since 1980, Britain and the U.S. are unlikely to provide the infusion of aid needed to rebuild the country.

“Until we see that, we have to reserve judgment,” Assistant Secretary of State Jendayi Frazer, the senior U.S. diplomat for Africa, said Monday.

Tsvangirai won 48 percent of the vote to Mugabe’s 43 percent in the March general election, but he boycotted the runoff because he said he didn’t want his supporters to be killed for voting for him.
Under the deal, Mugabe, Tsvangirai and the Cabinet will share executive authority.

“It looks like two parallel governments, and it remains to be seen if they will come together,” said Tiseke Kasambala, senior researcher with Human Rights Watch.

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High Cost of Inclusive Government

Zimbabwe Crisis Reports
By Chipo Sithole
16 September 2008

The power-sharing deal entered by long-time Zimbabwe ruler Robert Mugabe and leaders of the fractured opposition establishes the largest cabinet since independence in 1980, imposing a huge financial cost on the crisis-torn country.

Prime Minister-designate Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of the main faction of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change, MDC, had all along insisted on a government with 15 ministers, arguing that Mugabe’s huge and bloated cabinet was draining the country’s finances.

He has, however, acceded to demands by Mugabe and his negotiating team for a much bigger administration.

In a 31-person cabinet, Mugabe’s ZANU-PF will have 15 ministers, the mainstream MDC will have 13 and the breakaway MDC, led by Arthur Mutambara, will have three. There will be eight deputy ministers drawn from ZANU-PF, six from Tsvangirai’s party and one deputy minister from the Mutambara MDC faction.

That makes a total of 46 cabinet posts. Each minister will attract a hefty monthly salary reported to be 10,000 US dollars. Deputy ministers will earn a bit less.

The new prime minister will have two deputies – one from his main MDC faction and another from the breakaway faction. There will also be two vice presidents from ZANU- PF. The salary bill alone will run well over 500,000 US dollars – excluding allowances that ministers and their assistants are entitled to.

Critics immediately said the country could ill afford such a huge wage bill at a time when it was struggling to feed its starving population. The ministers have a huge tax-free threshold, so the Zimbabwean exchequer will claw back very little in income tax from the salaries.

A senior MDC official, David Coltart, said the allocation of of cabinet posts to the three parties was based on total votes cast for the parties, rather than seats won in the March 29 election, when ZANU-PF lost control of parliament for the first time since independence.

Accordingly, said Coltart, if the two MDC factions worked together, which he said they should in the national interest, they will enjoy a majority in cabinet.

“This is undoubtedly historic but we still have a long and treacherous road to travel,” said Coltart. “Even had we in the combined MDC obtained total control, the challenges are immense.”

The bitter Zimbabwean rivals signed a power-sharing deal on September 15 that will establish a coalition government and potentially end an economic implosion that has seen inflation skyrocket to 11 million per cent.

“They have all endorsed the document, [they have] signed it,” said South African president Thabo Mbeki, the negotiator appointed by the Southern African Development Community. Speaking at a press briefing in Harare, he added that “all the parties have signed without reservations”.

Zimbabwe’s June 27 presidential run-off election saw the incumbent Mugabe claiming a landslide victory in a one-man race after Tsvangirai pulled out, citing violence and restrictions on his campaign.

Political violence and killings nationwide followed Tsvangirai’s victory in the first round of balloting on March 29, claiming at least 125 lives. The MDC leader, however, failed to reach the 50 per cent threshold that would have enabled him to form a government, forcing the run-off.

Aid agencies estimate nearly 200,000 people have been displaced by the conflict. Brutal extra-judicial killings were reportedly sanctioned by the Mugabe government and images of hacked bodies and Zimbabweans burnt to death shocked the nation.

Mugabe and Tsvangirai, who seemed irreconcilable just weeks ago, managed to hammer out an agreement during the last four-day round of negotiations.

Mugabe’s negotiating team had repeatedly accused Tsvangirai of deliberately delaying the talks to force a transfer of power. But Tsvangirai insisted he could not accept a post that made him a lame duck prime minister while Mugabe retained the sweeping powers that he has wielded since Zimbabwe won independence from Britain in 1980.

The road to recovery, however, remains difficult. The power-sharing agreement establishes the post of prime minister for Tsvangirai, an executive position that will coordinate and oversee the functions and affairs of the government. Both parties share the duties of appointing cabinet ministers.

But the proposed reforms will still have to pass through a deeply divided parliament that heckled Mugabe when he officially opened it on August 26.

IWPR understands Constitutional Amendment 19 – ensuring the setting up of an inclusive government that will initiate an all-inclusive process of constitutional reform – is due to be tabled in parliament, which has been adjourned until October.

The speaker of parliament, a member of the main MDC faction, and the senate president, from ZANU-PF, are due to call a special parliamentary session to push through the amendment.

That process will last 18 months, by which time a new democratic constitution must be implemented. A time frame will be determined for new elections which will be conducted in terms of the new constitution.

“The inclusive government will have Mugabe as president with greatly reduced powers to those he enjoys today,” said Coltart. “Morgan Tsvangirai will obviously be prime minister. Although he does not have absolute power, he does have substantial power. For example, he will advise Mugabe on all future appointments including judges, ambassadors and the like.”

A senior ZANU-PF deputy – who declined to be named, saying parties had been sworn to secrecy – ruled out chances of parliament stonewalling constitutional reforms to legalise the coalition government.

The reforms are, he said, “a given, because there is consensus and we are simply approaching parliament to rubberstamp this”.

There has been fierce resistance in Mugabe’s ZANU-PF to the power-sharing deal.

Tsvangirai’s powers to “coordinate and supervise” government affairs constitutes more authority than the government had wanted to give, and the arrangement still leaves open the question of whether the prime minister will have executive authority that cannot be overruled by the president.

There will be a slightly cumbersome arrangement for conducting government business, which is the essence of the compromise agreed to following weeks of intense haggling among the parties.

IWPR understands that cabinet will be chaired by Mugabe, with Tsvangirai as the vice chair. A council of ministers chaired by Tsvangirai will supervise the work of cabinet. There are fears that the deal will collapse, but experts say as long as it is guaranteed through a legislative provision it will fly.

Despite the delicate process of sharing power, many Zimbabweans still have great expectations of Tsvangirai, whom they view as one capable of delivering long-kept promises.

“We seek the peace and healing of a nation traumatised for too long,” Tsvangirai told IWPR. His outspoken nature has earned him a reputation as Zimbabwe’s justice crusader.

On the campaign trail, he has railed against Mugabe for sanctioning violence against his supporters and slammed the veteran ruler’s disastrous handling of the economy.

Tsvangirai also accuses the 84-year-old Mugabe of being insincere in fighting deep-rooted corruption in his government. So many will expect change under Tsvangirai’s tutelage.

Mugabe, meanwhile, is counting on the MDC to attract much-needed foreign aid and investment, suspended eight years ago over his misrule.

Tsvangirai told IWPR that he estimated that “at least 5 to 10 billion US dollars would be urgently needed” to turn around the world’s fastest-shrinking economy.

The Zimbabwe government will also be looking to woo back some of the estimated three million Zimbabweans who have fled the country over the past decade, taking with them precious skills.

The deal opens the way for international donors to help revive Zimbabwe’s economy.

The European Union, which was due to expand its sanctions list on September 15 when its council of ministers had scheduled a meeting, has said it is reconsidering these plans in light of the power-sharing agreement.

“We need to study the agreement and assess the commitments of the parties,” said the bloc’s EU presidency in a statement. “We will be considering this over the course of the day and the weekend, and we will see how and to what extent there may be adjustments in the initial draft conclusions.”

Zimbabwe will be under pressure to plead for debt forgiveness. The crisis-torn country is currently saddled with heavy debts from multilateral financial institutions. The latest June report by the International Monetary Fund says Zimbabwe owes nearly 135 million US dollars in global arrears to the Bretton Woods institution.

The Fishmongers group of donors, comprising mainly western countries, has proposed an aid package worth 1-1.5 billion US dollars a year – almost four times the aid currently trickling into the country.

Britain, the former colonial power, plans to immediately double its aid from the current level of 90 million US dollars a year. Donors are optimistic that Zimbabwe could rebound rapidly.

But much depends on the economic reconstruction package cobbled together by the new government and the political willingness of the parties to re-engage the international community

Chipo Sithole is the pseudonym of an IWPR journalist in Zimbabwe.

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Church groups give cautious welcome to Zimbabwe accord

Episcopallife online
September 15, 2008
[Ecumenical News International]

Christian leaders and organizations worldwide have welcomed the announcement of an agreement to form a unity government in Zimbabwe, while also saying that many challenges lie ahead for the southern African nation.

“We have an opportunity,” the Rev. Ishmael Noko, a Zimbabwean theologian who is general secretary of the Geneva-based Lutheran World Federation, told Ecumenical News International on September 12. “It is a great opportunity for the dark clouds that have been hanging over Zimbabwe for all these months and years to be lifted.”

South African President Thabo Mbeki had announced the previous evening that an agreement on a power-sharing deal between Robert Mugabe, Zimbabwe’s leader since the country’s independence from Britain in 1980, and Morgan Tsvangirai, head of the Movement for Democratic Change party.

Mbeki said details of the agreement would be released when it was signed in Harare on September 15.
“The churches should position themselves to be guarantors if this agreement is truly signed,” said Noko. “They should ensure that it is implemented, and they need to stay as custodians, on behalf of the society, to see that the agreement is honored.”

Mugabe won another five-year term as president in June as the result of a one-candidate presidential run-off election after Tsvangirai pulled out, citing a wave of violence against MDC supporters.
According to official results that the MDC disputed, neither candidate gained an overall majority in the first round of the presidential election in March. In parliamentary elections held at the same time, Mugabe’s Zanu-PF party lost its majority of seats for the first time since independence.

Senator David Coltart, a Zimbabwean Christian who helped found the MDC in 1999, described the agreement, which also includes a smaller MDC faction, as “historic.”

In a statement made available to ENI, Coltart said, “I am confident that this agreement, imperfect as it is, marks a significant step forward.”

He said the agreement would entail the setting up of a government that would initiate a process of constitutional reform to include civil society. He added that the process would last 18 months, by which time a new democratic constitution must be implemented that would also include a time frame for new elections.

“The inclusive government will have Robert Mugabe as president with greatly reduced powers to those he enjoys today. There will be two, largely ceremonial, vice-presidents from Zanu-PF. Morgan Tsvangirai will be the prime minister. Although he does not have absolute power he does have substantial power,” said Coltart.

In Nairobi, the Rev. Mvume Dandala, a South African Methodist who is general secretary of the All Africa Conference of Churches, said he hoped the agreement would be implemented.

The AACC official noted that the projected agreement in Zimbabwe follows a similar one in Kenya after disputed elections at the end of 2007. Hundreds of people died in violence that followed the Kenyan election stand-off, and hundreds of thousands more became homeless before agreement was reached to form a national unity government.

“What we saw in Kenya was an example of the fragility of peace in Africa,” said Dandala. “We will not want any country to go through that.”

The World Student Christian Federation, which has been supporting the efforts of the Student Christian Movement in Zimbabwe, said it welcomed the announcement.

“WSCF also fervently hopes that this historic agreement marks Zimbabwe’s return to the rule of law and to effective governance for and by the people,” the group said in a statement issued from its Geneva headquarters. “We hope that the political leaders will be guided by the principles of good faith, and be faithful to the agreement and work selflessly towards its proper implementation.”

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The end of the beginning

By David Coltart

Nine years to the day since I stood with Morgan Tsvangirai, Gibson Sibanda, Tendai Biti, Welshman Ncube and many other patriots on the 11th September 1999 at Rufaro Stadium to launch the MDC a deal has been agreed in Harare tonight to bring to an end 28 years of brutal Zanu PF rule.

The bare bones of the deal are as follows. Constitutional amendment 19 will shortly be moved in Parliament. It will enable to the setting up of an inclusive Government which in turn will initiate an all inclusive process of Constitutional reform (which will include civil society). That process will last 18 months by which time a new democratic Constitution must be implemented, which will also include a time frame for new elections at some point to be conducted in terms of the new Constitution.

The inclusive Government will have Robert Mugabe as President with greatly reduced powers to those he enjoys today. There will be two, largely ceremonial, Vice Presidents from Zanu PF. Morgan Tsvangirai will be Prime Minister. Although he does not have absolute power he does have substantial power. For example he will advise Mugabe on all future appointments including Judges, Ambassadors and the like. There will be two Deputy Prime Ministers, one from MDC T and one from MDC M.

There will be a slightly cumbersome arrangement for conducting Government business which is the essence of the compromise agreed to following the impasse of the last 4 weeks. Cabinet will be chaired by Mugabe; Tsvangirai will be the vice Chair. Then there will be a Council of Ministers chaired by Tsvangirai which will supervise the work of Cabinet.

The Cabinet will largely reflect the votes cast for the different parties in the March election in which Zanu PF got the most votes (if not the most seats), followed by the MDC T and MDC M. In a 31 person Cabinet Zanu PF will have 15 seats, MDC T 13 and MDC M 3. There will be 8, 6 and 1 Deputy Ministers respectively. Accordingly if the two MDC factions work together, which they must in the national interest, they will enjoy a majority in Cabinet.

This is undoubtedly historic but we still have a long and treacherous road to travel. Even had we in the combined MDC obtained total control the challenges are immense. The grave humanitarian and economic crises are enough to test any Government. The new Cabinet that will have to address these challenges is composed of protagonists – virtually all of the Cabinet Ministers to be appointed by the MDC T and M have at some stage in the last 9 years been brutalized on the instructions of those they will now have to work with. Zimbabwe remains highly polarised and it will take statesmanship on all sides to make this work.

But work this must. Zimbabwe is a great country with a tremendous future and it can and will get through to a new dawn of freedom. The night is not over yet but as the great poet Arthur Hugh Clough wrote:

“ In front the sun climbs slow, how slowly,
But westward look , the land is bright”.

Winston Churchill said after the Battle of Egypt on the 10 November 1942 the following memorable words:

“Now is not the end. It is not even the beginning of the end. But it is perhaps, the end of the beginning.”

Those words are apt today. This has been a long hard struggle and there have been many casualties. It is not over – there are many battles which still lie ahead – but I am confident that this agreement, imperfect as it is, marks a significant step forward and will ultimately yield a new, democratic, vibrant jewel in Africa – our great Zimbabwe!

God bless you all and God bless Zimbabwe.

Senator David Coltart
Bulawayo
11th September 2008

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