Sekeramayi’s political stock is rising

Bulawayo News24

30th July 2017

Defence minister Sydney Sekeramayi’s political stock is rising amid indications that neutrals in the do-or-die Zanu-PF war to succeed President Robert Mugabe are pushing for his elevation to occupy the top office in the event that the incumbent retires or gets incapacitated, the Daily News can exclusively report.

This comes as influential First Lady Grace Mugabe has stunningly challenged her long-ruling husband, aged 93, to name his preferred successor without delay, amid escalating factional fights centred on the unresolved succession issue.

Impeccable Zanu-PF insiders told the Daily News this week that the contestation for power has reached its zenith so much that Mugabe is about to give in to demands that he anoints his successor before the party’s December conference so that the ruling party could go for make-or-break elections next year as a united force.

If Mugabe’s recent remarks are anything to go by, his instincts seem to be radiating farther from Zanu-PF bigwigs long touted to be the frontrunners in the succession race on account of their attempts to rope in the military to settle the succession debate, without involving its commander-in-chief, who happens to be Mugabe himself.

The Zanu-PF insiders said while the race remains wide open, it was quite clear that the Swedish-trained medical doctor — Sekeramayi — could be surging ahead at the moment unless something dramatic happens.

The Defence minister has the distinction of being the only remaining Cabinet minister ever-present since Zanu-PF came to power in 1980, having presided over some of the most key ministries in Mugabe’s successive governments — including being Defence minister and State Security minister three times each in the two portfolios.

He has never been demoted.

He has the added advantage of being one of the few politicians less tainted by allegations of corruption and has never lost an election since 1980, when Mugabe’s party swept into power after a brutal liberation war.

Mugabe has consistently said that it was up to the party, and not him, to name his successor. Nonetheless, pressure has been brought to bear on him to anoint a successor, with his wife adding her voice to the calls.

In potentially revealing recent remarks, Mugabe rubbished claims by some within the Team Lacoste faction, which is campaigning for Emmerson Mnangagwa to succeed him that it was now time for Karangas to also “eat”, as Zezurus had dominated the State since 1980.

Mnangagwa is of the Karanga tribe, while Mugabe belongs to the Zezuru tribe, which provided the bulk of the fighting forces and military leaders who fought the successful 1972-1980 Chimurenga war that secured independence and black majority rule.

Mugabe’s remarks at a rally in Marondera came after Higher Education minister Jonathan Moyo publicly criticised Mnangagwa’s alleged presidential aspirations at a lecture in Harare, where he also made a not-so-subtle announcement of Sekeramayi as a serious contender for the presidency.

Moyo effusively played up Sekeramayi’s “consensus-style of leadership, political experience, unquestionable stature and his humility” that he contrasted with Mnangagwa’s alleged “arrogance” and “sense of entitlement”.

And speaking in his annual interview with the ZBCTV in February, ahead of his 93rd birthday, Mugabe also appeared to rule out the chances of Mnangagwa succeeding him when he said he would soldier on in power — notwithstanding his advanced age and declining health.

“The majority of the people feel that there is no replacement, a successor who to them is acceptable . . . as acceptable as I am,” Mugabe said.

On Thursday, Mugabe — an intellectual with several degrees who allegedly did not do any fighting – insisted that the “gun cannot lead the politics”.

Political scientist Eldred Masunungure told the Daily News: “Well, he (Sekeramayi) has always been a hidden dark horse, suspected for a long time in uninformed circles to be the president’s blue-eyed boy. It’s feasible that he is surging ahead; he has always had a close relationship with the president, not as public as the other contenders, he has been in the shadows.

“He is coming out of the shadows, out of his shell, projecting himself as the most likely candidate. I would buy the story of him being leading candidate in Mugabe’s eyes.”

Masunugure said Mugabe will have to be around to anoint Sekeramayi.

“He will have to be around long enough, beyond 2018. Sekeramayi’s chances are brighter than any of the contending candidates. He is definitely a leading candidate, look at his demeanour, he has liberation credentials, he is electable, he has won in his home province.

“Well, his strength does not lie in his electability, he is very close to the president, he is the president’s confidante, he is not a megaphone, he is media-shy. He has what it takes for Mugabe to anoint him, but there are so many factors at play, so many variables,” Masunugure said.

But some critics have sledged Sekeramayi as “not assertive enough to lead”, while others say just like Mnangagwa he is also tainted by the role he played in his capacity as Defence minister at the time, when the Gukurahundi massacres took place mainly in Matabeleland and Midlands between 1983 and 1987.

United Kingdom-based legal expert Alex Magaisa recently expounded on this fact in an opinion piece on his blog.

“The pair (Sekeramayi and Mnangagwa) were Mugabe’s reliable water carriers during the early 1980s, probably the dirtiest period on account of Gukurahundi.

“It is therefore hard for most people in Matabeleland, to reconcile the man described by Moyo and the man who performed a key role during this dark patch of Zimbabwe’s history.

“If one of Mnangagwa’s darkest spots in his long political career is his alleged role in Gukurahundi, it is hard to see how the other half of the pair, Sekeramayi, can escape the same charge,” Magaisa said.

Stephen Chan, a professor of world politics at the School of Oriental and African Studies at the University of London, noted the “endless speculation” about Mugabe’s succession yesterday.

“Sekeramayi is 73, only one year younger than Mnangagwa. Either way, Zimbabwe would not be blessed by youthful leadership. In this sense, both men would be transitional presidents as few live as long as Mr Mugabe,” Chan told the Daily News.

Zanu-PF has for the past two decades been deeply divided over Mugabe’s succession. Recently, a faction led by the party’s young Turks, Generation 40, has been locked in a life-and-death tussle with Mnangagwa’s backers, Team Lacoste over the succession riddle.

Many observers and Zanu-PF insiders have consistently said Mugabe’s failure to groom and name a successor was fuelling the ugly fights in the ruling party.

But Mugabe has so far refused to name his successor, arguing that the Zanu-PF constitution does not allow him as it leaves that role to the party to decide who succeeds him, via a congress.

Meanwhile, disgruntled war veterans have repeatedly said Mnangagwa should take over from Mugabe when he leaves office, and at one time warned ominously that blood could be shed if the Midlands godfather does not succeed the veteran leader.

Mugabe and Mnangagwa share a close relationship that dates back to the days of the liberation struggle when the latter was the former’s aide.

Mugabe first met Mnangagwa ,74, when he was working as a teacher in Mapanzure, a remote rural village in Zvishavane from where his deputy hails.

Earlier this year, when there was frenzied speculation within Zanu-PF that Mnangagwa’s mooted presidential aspirations were dead in the water, after Mugabe’s birthday interview with the ZBC in which he said there was no one fit to succeed him, former ruling party spokesperson and Cabinet minister, Rugare Gumbo, said the Midlands godfather could not be written off.

Gumbo — who worked with both Mugabe and Mnangagwa for many decades, before and after Zimbabwe’s independence from Britain in 1980 — also said it was “folly” to assume that Mugabe had shut the door on his deputy succeeding him.

He also said it could not be ruled out that Mnangagwa himself was “playing a game of hide-and-seek” with the nonagenarian, adding that the two men had a strong bond and long-standing relationship which was “only fully understood by them”.

“Mugabe has always been a slippery character because of all things he always wanted power the most. While many other liberation movements had a succession plan, Mugabe long decided against coming up with one.

“Still, I wouldn’t say Mnangagwa has been blocked out. However, what I know is that Mugabe and Mnangagwa vakateyanirana mariva (the have set traps for each other). They are playing each other and only time will tell who will win,” he said.

In December, a respected British magazine, New Statesman, portrayed Mnangagwa as a firm favourite to succeed Mugabe.

It also argued that a Mnangagwa presidency could extricate the country from its current economic rot — going on to highlight his profile rather glowingly.

“He (Mnangagwa) is sharp, organised and business-savvy, more pragmatic and less ideological than Mugabe. And, unlike the president (Mugabe), he understands the urgent need for reform, if only so that he can pay the security forces and fill the trough at which his Zanu-PF comrades guzzle,” the New Statesman said.

Former Cabinet minister David Coltart also told the same magazine that Mnangagwa had a better understanding of the economy than most of his Zanu-PF colleagues, including Mugabe.

“For all his historical problems he (Mnangagwa) understands the running of the economy better than Mugabe, better than most Zanu-PF politicians,” he was quoted saying.

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‘Dark and Tormented History’ – Zimbabweans Slam Vote for Mugabe to Change Constitution

News24

27th July 2017

Prominent Zimbabweans Wednesday took to social media to slam a vote by MPs from President Robert Mugabe’s party to change the constitution, just four years after the country adopted the new charter.

The Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment (No.1) Bill, which gives the president the power to handpick top judges, is seen as a blow to the independence of the judiciary.’

“Another dark day in the dark and tormented history of this country. I trust the Butcher is feeling proud of himself,” wrote former finance minister Tendai Biti on Twitter, using his nickname for Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa, who pushed for the amendment.

On Tuesday, after hours of stormy debate, 182 Zanu-PF MPs voted for the amendment, more than enough to get it passed.

“The ruining party has been consistent in its 37 years of misrule – it has always acted to strip away basic rights of the #Zimbabwe people,” wrote former education minister, David Coltart.

Constitutional lawyer and aspiring independent MP, Fadzayi Mahere tweeted: “Instead of amending laws to align them to the Constitution, Zanu is amending the Constitution to align it with its selfish ends. Yuck.”

Mnangagwa ally

A new chief justice, Luke Malaba, was appointed in March under the current constitutional system of public interviews, though High Court Judge President George Chiweshe was seen as Mnangagwa’s preferred candidate. Analysts say that Chiweshe may now be promoted to deputy chief justice courtesy of this constitutional amendment.

Veteran human rights lawyer Irene Petras, responding to a video of Zanu-PF MPs celebrating in the National Assembly on Tuesday evening after the passage of the bill tweeted, with a large dash of irony: “Dear Zimbos, This is what your reps think of your “new” Constitution. Please vote them in again in 2018. Sincerely, Constitutionalism.”

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Petra Trust acts to create a single school to improve education and strengthen itself financially

The Chronicle

By Pamela Shumba, Senior Reporter

26th July 2017

PRIVATE schools in the country are facing hard times with some of them coming up with drastic measures to save their institutions from collapse due to financial challenges.

Petra Schools Trust in Bulawayo has integrated and remodeled the primary and secondary schools into one institution in an effort to survive the economic hardships.

Former Minister of Primary and Secondary Education Minister Mr David Coltart, who is the chairman of Petra Schools Trust, announced the decisions to parents during a meeting on Monday evening, urging them to accept changes at the two schools, one primary and the other one a high school.

“Most private schools are in a dire financial crisis which is a reflection of the economic hardships faced by the country. These schools, including Petra, are trying to find balance to maintain their status.

“The economic crisis facing the nation has generated an extreme reduction in enrolment at private schools because parents are failing to pay the required school fees,” said Mr Coltart.

According to Mr Coltart, the two schools will be integrated into one institution to build a single team for all aspects of school life, with effect from January 1 next year.

One name which refers to both schools will be given to the institution delivering education from early childhood development (ECD) to Upper Six.

Mr Coltart urged parents to understand the strategic decisions he announced during the meeting, saying this was a model they were adopting from other schools throughout the world.

“Petra will move to a centralised model of administration, grounds, development and finance. There will be one set of accounts and one audit for Petra.

Under the single name there will be two schools, the junior and senior schools respectively, each with one head.

“The integration of the campus will require a staff member with the time and capacity to professionally develop teachers and oversee the implementation of the integration process, which person could be named either principal or executive head of Petra,” said Mr Coltart.

“There will be one fee structure for both schools and all children moving into the senior phase from the junior will have automatic admission, only undertaking testing for streaming as and when appropriate. We hope that the entire parental body will embrace these changes.”

Petra’s new structure comes at a time when other elite schools are also employing different strategies to survive.

Falcon College in Esigodini, which has been a boys’ school since its inception, started enrolling girls from Form One to Six early this year.

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Details of Senator David Coltart’s book launch in Brisbane on the 11th August 2017

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Details of Senator David Coltart’s book launch in Sydney on the 10th August 2017

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Details of Senator David Coltart’s book launch in Canberra on the 9th August 2017

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Details of Senator David Coltart’s book launch in Melbourne on the 8th August 2017

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Details of Senator Coltart’s book launch in Perth on the 7th August 2017

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Sue Zanu PF over schools meetings, rallies: Coltart Sue Zanu PF over schools meetings, rallies: Coltart

Newsday

18th July 2017

By Nqobani Ndlovu

FORMER Education minister David Coltart has urged opposition parties to drag Zanu PF to the Constitutional Court (ConCourt) to seek a ruling ordering the ruling party to stop holding its meetings and rallies at schools.

However, Coltart conceded that it was difficult to stop Zanu PF from holding its meetings and rallies at schools, owing to the lack of an enabling Act.

“There is nothing opposition parties can do to stop Zanu PF from using school facilities and abusing children in this way,” he said.

“There is nothing in the Education Act, which bars schools being used in this way.”

In spite of the lack of an enabling Act, Coltart said he was convinced that a ConCourt challenge would stop Zanu PF from holding meetings at schools.

“When I barred all schools from being used for political meetings, that was merely a policy directive, not something made into law,” he said.

“Although Section 19(2)(c) of the Constitution compels the State to adopt policies that protect children from ‘any form of abuse’, it is difficult to enforce this provision.

“However, there is no doubt in my mind that the ruining party [Zanu PF] is in violation of this section of the Constitution and a more robust Constitutional Court would rule against Zanu PF and in favour of children.”

Of late, President Robert Mugabe has been holding provincial youth rallies, amid claims that the ruling party commandeers school children to attend, disrupting their learning in the process.

On Friday, the 93-year-old Zanu PF leader is scheduled to address a similar campaign rally in Lupane, amid fears that all pupils from the province would be forced to attend the meeting.

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Interview with David Coltart conducted by the Daily News

Daily News

By Jeffrey Muvundusi

9th July 2017

BULAWAYO – Our reporter Jeffrey Muvundusi had a wide ranging interview
with Bulawayo-based respected lawyer and former Education Minister, David
Coltart. Below are the excerpts of the interview.*

Q: To begin with, what’s your analysis of Zimbabwe’s current economic
situation?

A: At the core of our current situation is a collapse of business
confidence in the country. The country appears rudderless at present with
so much confusion right across the political spectrum. The president is
increasingly out of touch and government is paralysed as a result. There is
no clear succession plan within Zanu PF and the opposition is in equal
disarray with no national consensus emerging about who in the opposition
should lead. This uncertainty manifests itself in capital flight and
reluctance by Zimbabweans to invest.

Q: When Zanu PF won the 2013 elections, many anticipated the worst economic
situation; would you describe this current situation as the worst?

A: This is not the worst economic situation we have found ourselves in. The
hyperinflation of 2008 was far worse but if left unchecked, the current
economic malaise could result in a worse crisis than 2008’s.

Q: With less than 18 months to the next elections, do you think Zanu PF is
still marketable considering its recorded failures in decades?

A: Zanu PF has not been marketable for the last two decades but does not
need to for so long as it is prepared to intimidate the electorate and
subvert the electoral system.

Q: You are on record talking about opposition parties coming together,
putting aside their egos and allow one presidential candidate to face Zanu
PF, are you content with the manner in which the parties seem to be moving
towards that direction?

A: I am very dissatisfied with both the pace of seeking agreement and
manner of negotiating. What we desperately need now are Statesmen and women
who are prepared to put the nation ahead of their personal interests. This
applies not only to prospective presidential candidates but also to
prospective parliamentary candidates. Everyone seems to be determined to
put their own narrow partisan or personal interests ahead of national
interest. It is time for everyone vying for the presidency to publicly
state that they are prepared to stand down in favour of the person most
likely to attract the most support. To establish who that person is, we
need some independent polling to be done to establish who objectively
commands the most support.

Q: We also hear of egos coming in different forms on who is going to lead
the coalition, is that really necessary at this stage?

A: I am not sure the question of who should lead is necessary at this
stage. What we primarily need is agreement regarding the policies that will
be implemented in the event of the coalition winning. At present, all that
seems to bind the coalition together is the goal of removing President
Robert Mugabe and Zanu PF, and that is not enough. The electorate wants to
know what specific policies will be implemented. Accordingly, I think our
focus should shift from who will be our presidential candidate to what
policies do we all agree a coalition government will pursue.Secondly, I
think we need to discuss who will be in coalition Cabinet. Only one person
can be president but nearly all of those vying for the presidency would
make excellent Cabinet ministers. With this in mind, we need again to shift
our focus from who will be captain to who will be in the team.As any
football lover knows, the main component in establishing a winning team is
agreeing on who is best at goal keeping, who is best in the mid field and
who our best strikers are. The choice of captain is often the last thing we
think of and even when a captain is chosen, we always anticipate that a
captain may be injured and will need to be substituted.The performance of
the team obviously improves with a good captain who everyone respects but
its success is not absolutely dependent on who is captain. If we use the
same principle I think our focus should rather now be on who would be our
best Finance minister, our best Foreign minister, our best Defence minister
and so on. It seems to me that, for example, Morgan Tsvangirai would make
an excellent Labour or Foreign minister, Joice Mujuru an outstanding
Defence minister, Tendai Biti an experienced Finance minister, Nkosana Moyo
a brilliant minister of Commerce and Industry and so on.In other words,
whilst every single person presently aspiring for the highest office cannot
get that office, every single one of them should be included in a Cabinet.
Once we agree on that shadow Cabinet, our focus should be on selling that
and the policies it will implement. Once we have that team functioning,
towards the election, that team can agree on who should be the best captain
and vice-captain. The captain and vice-captain should be chosen on the
basis of who best unites the team and who inspires the supporters,
particularly the electorate.We do not have to choose the candidate for
president until just a few months before the election. But the main focus
on the campaign will not be on who is president but rather, the team as a
whole and the policies it will implement.

Q: Then also comes the Biometric Voter Registration (BVR) issue; is it a
positive initiative in holding a free and fair election?

A: In theory, BVR could improve our electoral system but as anyone will
tell you, any computer is only as good as the person operating it, and the
same applies to this system. The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (Zec) is
still hopelessly partisan and compromised and until we have a genuinely
independent Zec, the implementation or non-implementation of BVR will have
little impact on the fairness and legality of the electoral process.As I
have said publicly recently, I fear that BVR is just another red herring; a
devise used by a brazenly partisan Zec to delay the registration of voters
as long as possible so that the roll can be manipulated in favour of Zanu
PF. My fears in this regard have been heightened by the recent allegations
that the Chinese firm contracted to do the initial registration of voters
will not be involved in the final collation of the data and the production
of the final voters’ roll. As far as I am aware, Zec has not sought to
refute this story and if it is correct that a company like Nikuv will be
surreptitiously involved behind the scenes, then I see very little prospect
of free, fair and legal elections being held.

Q: Some have raised dust over the BVR kits supply tender being awarded to a
Chinese company, what’s your take?

A: I do not know enough about the technical details of the tender or
systems used to make any informed contribution towards which company was
best suited to win the tender. However, so long as Zec and its chair remain
brazenly partisan suspicions will remain, even if the Chinese company in
fact provides the best deal. In that regard, the recent allegation that the
Chinese firm itself has reservations about the process gives rise to mixed
emotions. On the one hand, if the story is true, then it is heartening to
know the Chinese company prides itself in its international reputation. On
the other hand, if Zec doesn’t respond to the story by demonstrating that
the electoral system will be lawful, fair and transparent, it will be a
further sign of the unsuitability of the current Zec leadership to run the
elections.

Q: We have seen some opposition parties initiating voter registration and
mobilisation campaigns, is it the best way to woo voters?

A: There is no doubt that all democratic parties need to mobilise their
supporters to register and vote despite whatever Zec is up to. In all
countries, it is incumbent upon political parties to get their own
supporters to register and vote and if they fail to do that, they cannot
blame the process.Even though Zec is partisan, elections are the only
peaceful, non-violent means we have of changing the government and so, we
all have no choice but to encourage our supporters to register and vote.

Q: What can you say opposition parties need to do in order to capture the
majority of non-voting but eligible voters who make up the largest
constituency in the country?

A: More than anything else, opposition parties and leaders need to inspire
those who have given up on politics that we can offer something better. One
of the worst things which happened during the inclusive government was that
both MDCs did not clearly differentiate themselves in their conduct from
Zanu PF. The electorate is wary of politicians who are only interested in
power, and not in the genuine transformation of the lives of common
Zimbabwean people. In that regard, I come back to the issue of formulating
and explaining the different policies which will be employed, which will
attract foreign investment, the reopening of factories and other businesses
and Zimbabwe’s reintegration into the international community. At the same
time the electorate needs to know who will run the various ministries
responsible for implementing these policies.

Q: We have the National Electoral Reforms Agenda (Nera) and other concerned
stakeholders playing a crucial role in pushing for electoral reforms, is
this achievable by the time we go to the elections?

A: Whilst I appreciate the great work that Nera is doing, we need to be
realistic and remember that Zanu PF is never going to agree to electoral
reforms which will lead to a level playing field. We must certainly
continue to wage this battle but our primary battle should be to forge
agreement on a coalition team and then sell the electorate an array of
policies which will be fundamentally different to the policies Zanu PF has
used to ruin Zimbabwe. Only then can we hope to achieve the landslide we
need to overcome the chicanery of Zanu PF and its acolytes in Zec.

Q: What can you say is the biggest dilemma currently faced by opposition
parties in the battle to remove 93-year-old Mugabe?

A: The biggest dilemma facing the parties in their battle to remove Mugabe
is that they are fixated by the very thing they abhor in Zanu PF —
personality driven politics. It is almost as if they have been infected by
the same virus that the ruining party suffers from, namely that everything
is dependent upon who will lead the party. In most democracies, the party
is bigger than its leaders it. The moment individuals become more important
than the party or its principles, the party is seriously undermined.

Q: Do you foresee Mugabe managing to stand as a presidential candidate in
next year’s elections, considering his age?

A: I think there is a serious convergence of powerful actors within Zanu PF
who will do all in their power to ensure that Mugabe will stand. Mugabe
himself wants to stand because he fears the loss of power. His immediate
family wants him to stand for the same reason. The G40 faction wants him to
stand because of their bitterness towards the Lacoste faction. And even
within the Lacoste faction, many will want Mugabe to stand because of their
understanding that they will find it easier to win a battle of Zanu PF
leadership when Mugabe dies or retires, than it will be winning a national
election. I think that applies to senior leaders within the military who
understand that it will be easier to coerce Zanu PF supporters within the
party to support a candidate of their choice than it will be to use the
military to coerce the entire nation to support an unpopular candidate. So,
we must assume that so long as Mugabe is alive and able to make the odd
appearance, he will be the Zanu PF candidate next year.

Q: How effective are anti-government demonstrations or protests?

A: These groups obviously have a constitutional right to demonstrate and it
is also important that issues such as the biased nature of Zec and State
violence be exposed so that no one in the international community can have
a free ride in arguing that our Constitution is being complied with.
However, shut downs and demonstrations have limited value in mobilising
people to register and vote and we need to understand those limitations.
Furthermore, many of these groups have been seriously infiltrated by agent
provocateurs and there is the constant danger that activities done in good
faith will be subverted and become violent, to provide the ruining party
with a pretext to shut down democratic space. So, we all need to be
constantly vigilant and realistic about what pressure groups can actually
achieve. It is important that we break the cycle of violence which has
plagued Zimbabwe for decades. For that reason alone, I think we need to
focus a whole lot more energy on forging a coalition, formulating viable
policies and then encouraging all Zimbabweans to register and vote.

Q: Talk of the Zanu PF succession politics where Defence minister Sydney
Sekeramayi has been introduced in the matrix, what do you make of that?

A: I remain convinced that Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa is the only
serious candidate likely to take over from Mugabe within Zanu PF. Whilst
minister Sekeremayi is undoubtedly respected within Zanu PF, I see little
evidence that he has the same driving ambition to be president as Mnangagwa
has. As stated above, I think though that so long as Mugabe is alive and
vaguely able to perform some of the duties expected of a head of State, he
will be their preferred candidate because even Mnangagwa understands that
it will be easier for him to be elected within Zanu PF than it will ever
be for him to win a national election. I think he is prepared to bide his
time and wait until after 2018. However, the one rider to this is that of
course we do not have accurate information about Mugabe’s health, which
someone like Mnangagwa is privy to. That will inform the political moves he
takes in the months ahead.

Q: Focusing on your former ministry, Primary and Secondary Education
minister Lazarus Dokora has lately been a man whose name is on many
people’s lips, your take?

A: I am deeply concerned about the direction the Education ministry is
taking. It seems to me that morale within the teaching profession in
particular is low, that the implementation of the new curriculum is not
going well, that teaching materials are not being made available and that
generally, the entire sector is deteriorating. Fortunately, we still have a
strong body of committed teachers who are the bedrock of our education
system. My policy was to give these teachers and school leaders as much
autonomy to do what they do so well — running schools. It appears to me
that my successor is determined to do the exact opposite — to rein in
teachers and headmasters, to withdraw autonomy from schools and to
centralise power and money at Ambassador House. If he continues down that
path, our teaching professionals will feel stifled and our entire education
system will suffer.

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