2009: What they said

New Zimbabwe.com
30 December 2009

2009 was an historic year for Zimbabwe with the formation of a power sharing government – ending almost three decades of President Robert Mugabe’s uninterrupted rule. Predictably, politicians had a lot to say. Here is a selection of some of the year’s Quotable Quotes:

“Citizens by colonisation; seizing land from the original people, indigenous people of the country … You approve of that?” – President Mugabe when challenged by CNN’s Christiane Amanpour to explain why Zimbabwe was “hounding” white farmer “citizens” from their land

“It is better to own 10% of an elephant than 100% of a rat.” – Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara explaining the importance of government divesting from parastatals to allow private partnerships in order to save them from collapse.

“I am not going to quit because I knew that I was going to swim in sewage.” – Finance Minister Tendai Biti vows to stay the course in the power sharing government

“When you recover your stolen property you do not necessarily have to compensate the thief.” – Zanu-PF Chivi Central legislator and Co-chairman of the Constitutional Select Committee responding to questions by the BBC 5 Live’s Victoria Derbyshire on why the Zimbabwe government is not paying compensation for farms acquired under its land reforms.

“Obama is not in any way historically different from the many African chiefs and kings who facilitated slavery as agents of imperialism. Yes they had African blood, but they were also sell-outs.” – Tsholotsho North MP Jonathan Moyo (Zanu PF) attacks Obama for his criticism of the Zimbabwe government

“When people are determined to commit suicide, no matter how much you try to help them they will always try to find a way of killing themselves.” -MDC-T spokesman and ICT minister Nelson Chamisa on Zanu PF’s congress resolution not to negotiate with the MDC on the appointment of Attorney-General Johannes Tomana and central bank governor Gideon Gono

“I pity those who accuse me of opportunism for they do not understand that anyone who cannot take opportunities that come their way is a dodo. Ask any economist and they will tell you that the real cost that matters the most is the opportunity cost.
“Lose an opportunity and you have lost everything. That is why there is nothing as expensive as a foregone opportunity. So I do not believe for a moment that opportunism is a sin, crime or moral weakness. In fact, opportunism is the essence of politics; if you do not know that, read Machiavelli’s the Prince and the Discourses.” – Jonathan Moyo parries accusations of “opportunism” after rejoining Zanu PF.

“When people are determined to commit suicide, no matter how much you try to help them they will always try to find a way of killing themselves.” -MDC-T spokesman and ICT minister Nelson Chamisa on Zanu PF’s congress resolution not to negotiate with the MDC on the appointment of Attorney-General Johannes Tomana and central bank governor Gideon Gono

“I pity those who accuse me of opportunism for they do not understand that anyone who cannot take opportunities that come their way is a dodo. Ask any economist and they will tell you that the real cost that matters the most is the opportunity cost.

“Lose an opportunity and you have lost everything. That is why there is nothing as expensive as a foregone opportunity. So I do not believe for a moment that opportunism is a sin, crime or moral weakness. In fact, opportunism is the essence of politics; if you do not know that, read Machiavelli’s the Prince and the Discourses.” – Jonathan Moyo parries accusations of “opportunism” after rejoining Zanu PF.

“Those who describe me as a political prostitute simply because I have refused to join the MDC-T or to be part of it in anyway or simply because I have rejoined Zanu PF which is the only party I have ever belonged to are deranged political pimps who are so depraved as to think or believe that anyone who rejects them is a political prostitute.” -Jonathan Moyo goes toe-to-toe with his critics.

“This business of blowing vuvuzelas of insanity should stop. But no matter how loud the noise becomes, a vuvuzela will never play the Mozart or Beethoven sound, and we will never dance to those decibels.” – Finance Minister Tendai Biti responding to accusations by Reserve Bank governor Gideon Gono that he was blocking urgently needed loans from international financial institutions.

“I went to Oxford –– I taught at MIT, I’m a Rhodes Scholar. I think it’s fair to say that I know better than Obama what is good for Zimbabwe, that I know better than Hillary (Clinton) what is good for Zimbabwe. So it is very arrogant and patronising for Hillary or Obama to prescribe what is best for Zimbabwe without talking to me first.” – Mutambara attacking the United States for alleged interference in the country’s political affairs.

“Taka kiya-kiya (we have used hook and crook).” – Biti’s reply to reporters when asked how the government got money to pay civil servants.

“Mugabe is not the only person who’s head of state who is that old. The Queen of England is much older than our President and nobody had ever referred to her as an old lady. You all respect her very much. You people are racists aren’t you?” – Minister of State for Presidential Affairs, Didymus Mutasa responding to a question on President Mugabe’s plans to step down in an interview with the Australian Broadcasting Corporation.

“There was discipline in parliament. Last year, MPs were still raw, they are polished now, they are dignified and they can be called honourable. Last year they were dishonourable.” – President Mugabe commending MDC-T parliamentarians for not heckling him during his speech in the House of Assembly like they did last year.

“When these capitalist gods of carbon burp and belch their dangerous emissions, it is we, the lesser mortals of the developing sphere who gasp, starve, sink and eventually die.” – President Mugabe at the UN climate change summit in Copenhagen.

“Late believers and late comers cannot be dictators at this conference, besides they happen to be among the guiltiest on this matter.” – President Mugabe calls for the fulfilment of the Kyoto Protocol commitments

“It has not been easy for me. I was asking for oranges to make orange juice but some people were giving me lemons.” – Jubilant Premier League winning Gunners coach, Moses Chunga, on why it took him almost a decade to win the league championship.

“Now, make no mistake: History is on the side of these brave Africans, not with those who use coups or change constitutions to stay in power. Africa doesn’t need strongmen, it needs strong institutions.” -Obama addressing the Ghanaian parliament during his first presidential visit to Africa.

“The principle issue is you cannot disagree with Tsvangirai and his party. All of us exist to serve them, if you don’t serve them … if you jump at the top of the highest mountain and say Tsvangirai is God, you will be worshipped by the media and civil society – that is the bottom line and indeed you should be worried if you are a true democrat.” -MDC-M secretary general Welshman Ncube gets impatient with criticism of his party.

“You have a bunch of people who have behaved for a long time like spoilt brats and think the whole world must stand and salute them every time they utter their nonsense. We will not worship them now, tomorrow or ever and they can go to hell a 1000 times.” – Ncube hits back at MDSC-T statement claiming that his party and Zanu PF were deliberately delaying talks to resolve outstanding issues in the unity government.

“It remains a reality that the vast majority of Zimbabweans do not have Ndebele as their mother tongue and will gravitate towards a Shona-speaking leader. That is a political reality that we simply cannot ignore.” – Education Minister David Coltart offers a possible reason why his MDC-M party picked Arthur Mutambara as its leader

“Mutambara’s tenure in the inclusive government has been a catalogue of outbursts that have raised questions about his political sanity.” -Jonathan Moyo criticises Mutambara for saying the March 29, 2008, general election and the June 27, 2008, Presidential run-off election were “fraudulent and nullities”.

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How the GNU Ministers Fared

Zimbabwe Independent
By Paul Nyakazeya and Faith Zaba
18 December 2009

THE Zimbabwe Independent looks at how ministers fared during the year while operating on shoestring budgets, among other negative factors. Below is our assessment of the performances of some of the ministers.

Tendai Biti — Minister of Finance

Will be remembered for his wars of attrition with Reserve Bank governor Gideon Gono. Arguably the hardest working minister, he produced results this year. Government revenue has increased from as low as US$4 million in February to over US$110 million and has introduced financial discipline in government. He however failed to fully finance Sterp. His stance to hold on to the US$510 SDR funds advanced by the International Monetary Fund was unacceptable; he should have used the money to prop up the economy for rapid recovery
Recommendation: He is in the right direction; less talk and more action next year would make him even more popular.

Score: 7/10

Nicholas Goche — Minister of Transport and Infrastructure Development

Little attention paid to the country’s roads. Introduced tollgates, which have raised more than US$5,3 million but the money is being collected by Zimra, yet there is no mechanism for the Zimbabwe National Roads Authority to monitor and control the fees inflows. Goche has done little to resolve this issue while the country’s roads are continuing to turn into death traps. His decision to discontinue pre-testing for learner drivers was commendable.
Recommendation: Needs to solve the dispute between Zimra and Zinara and ensure the money raised is ploughed back into road maintenance.

Score: 2/10

Welshman Ncube — Minister of Industry and Commerce

Industry’s capacity utilisation has increased under him and is still increasing. His immediate tasks were to ensure adequate supply of fertiliser for winter cropping by end of May, identify recipients’ lines of credit for key strategic sectors, develop a pricing model with regional countries and to work towards establishment of a commodity exchange to ensure the farmers get competitive prices. He didn’t deliver on many of these.
Recommendation: Should work harder to achieve the targeted industry utilisation next year.

Score 4/10

Emmerson Mnangagwa — Minister of Defence

Indiscipline is said to be on the rise in the army due to alleged hunger, low salaries and nepotism. Despite Mnangagwa’s feared personality and character, on his watch guns were stolen at Pomona and there are several reports of absenteeism. What else is happening at the barracks, one may ask?
Recommendation: Put your house in order before things get out of hand.

Score 2/10

Elton Mangoma — Minister of Economic Planning and Investment Planning

Some notable achievements, eg the investors’ conference in July. Some foreign investment deals have been negotiated but Mangoma has been accused of failing to ensure parastatals operate efficiently. A lot is still expected of him to kick-start a lot of sectors that have not been performing over the past five years. Mangoma seems to know what is expected of him and his success depends on Zimbabwe improving its diplomatic relations with other countries.
Recommendation: More action and less workshops and so-called strategic meetings.

Score 5/10

Samuel Sipepa Nkomo — Minister of Water Resources Development and Management

Lots of stumbling blocks (political, resources and financial) in Nkomo’s way. Has done little to improve water supply. Another cholera outbreak looms but he has done nothing to avert it. Situation still as bad as it was in August last year when the epidemic broke. He should also stop picking unnecessary fights with local authorities.
Recommendation: Should be transferred to another ministry or return to the backbenches.

Score 1/10

Walter Mzembi — Minister of Tourism and Hospitality Industry

Overrated because of a sprinkling of charisma and colourful attire. No feasible plans on how Zimbabwe stands to benefit from the Fifa World Cup in South Africa next year.
Recommendation: Lots expected of him in the face of the World Cup; he should extensively market the country and avoid fawning over certain individuals, especially the President. Tourists and investors are not interested in that.

Score 3/10

Webster Shamu — Minister of Media Information and Publicity

Shamu seems reluctant to ensure fundamental legislative reforms are put in place to allow for a pluralistic media. The struggle for the opening up of airwaves and the transformation of the state-controlled ZBC continues with no immediate solution in sight. This is despite the fact that the GPA and Constitutional Amendment 19 contain provisions that recognise the importance of freedom of expression and the role of the media in a multi-party democracy and calls for the issuance of licences to broadcasters other than ZBC. Lack of political will to allow for more broadcasters was displayed by the minister’s appointment of the Tafataona Mahoso-led Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe. However threats to journalists seem to have lessened — there are fewer arrests and physical abuse. But he has recommendations from the stakeholders indaba in May which he has up to now not made public.
Recommendation
Sincerity required: people want more newspapers and broadcasters and undemocratic media laws repealed.

Score 2/10

Henry Madzorera — Minister of Health and Child Welfare

A slight improvement in the health delivery system but it still falls far short of the pre-2000 levels. Recruitment in the majority of departments has improved to 50%, with that of nurses and junior doctors going up to as high as 70% but some specialist services are still at 0%. Lack of funding has hampered Madzorera’s goals of ensuring that 60% of infrastructure at all central hospitals is functional. Local production of drugs is next to zero and government has to rely on imports. Drug supply at government health institutions is below 60% and people have to rely on the private sector to buy vital drugs.
Recommendation: Keep on trying.

Score 5/10

David Coltart — Minister of Education, Sports, Arts and Culture

To Coltart’s credit, most of the schools opened and most of the teachers resumed work. Examinations were marked. Unlike in 2008 when there was very little education because of prolonged strikes by teachers, 2009 went by with very few work stoppages. However, the education sector is still very fragile with shocking pupil-textbook ratios and infrastructure in a poor state. His gains were however almost wiped out by the chaos that surrounded registration of Ordinary and Advanced Level examinations when close to 70% of students failed to meet the deadline to pay examination fees because they were beyond the reach of many parents. On the sports side he seemed to be still in a shell.
Recommendation: No to privatisation of education; and please address the quality of education in the rural areas. Overhaul the way football is run; facilitate Test cricket return; restructure sporting associations’ constitutions.

Score: 5/10

Herbert Murerwa — Minister of Lands and Rural Resettlement

In perpetual reverse gear, spineless and powerless, Murerwa has failed to secure the farming environment. Conflicts and disputes on the land have been on the increase over the past few months; has failed to ensure security for farmers, their workers and assets while continuing to pander to the whims of securocrats who seem to be running the ministry for him. Recommendation: A comprehensive, transparent and non-partisan land audit needed soonest, and you need to deal effectively with the new invaders or resign.

Score 0/10

Joseph Made — Minister of Agriculture, Mechanisation and Irrigation Development

Lack of preparedness has always been Made’s weakness and it seems he never learns from past mistakes. Once again Zimbabwe is facing a disastrous agriculture season. For some strange reason Mugabe seems to adore him.
Recommendation: He should leave and let others run this ministry.

Score 2/10

Francis Nhema — Minister of Environment and Natural Resources

Invisible the whole year. Cities and the countryside are an environmental disaster. No policy in place to clean up. Very likeable, he has been allowed to get away with murder.
Recommendation: Face reality and make yourself useful. Move around and sees the level of litter around CBDs, industrial and residential areas.

Score 3/10

Minister of Foreign Affairs Simbarashe Mumbengegwi

He was rather aloof the whole year only visible when President Mugabe was globetrotting. He is however credited with re-engaging Zimbabwe with the European Union and is trying to do so with the rest of the world.
Recommendation: Much of the country’s turnaround depends on Zimbabwe’s diplomatic relations with other countries. Professional diplomatic relations more aligned to a “win-win situation” not based on politics needed. Probably the right person for this ministry but should wake up.

Score 3/10

Minister of State Enterprise and Parastatals Gabuza Joel Gabbuza

A lot was expected of him. What has happened to the state enterprises and parastatals he identified for restructuring? Has he set up a performance monitoring system for these? When will he carry out mandate and legislative review of state enterprises and parastatals?
Recommendation: Yet to behave like a minister; has not read the riot act yet when dealing with state enterprises and parastatals.

Score 3/10

Minister of Labour and Social Services Paurina Mpariwa

Has met most of the goals she set out for 2009: signed a social contract under the Tripartite Negotiating Forum, is in the process of drafting a social protection strategic framework to improve existing social protection schemes which include paying tuition for orphans and vulnerable children and cash transfers which provide free cash assistance to the elderly, chronically ill and disabled persons. But has not dealt sufficiently with a demoralized, undocumented and deregulated workforce.
Recommendation: Strengthen resource mobilisation from donors and give us more results.

Score: 5/10

Minister of Youth Development, Indigenisation and Empowerment Saviour Kasukuwere

Kasukuwere was actively involved in party politics more than his ministry. Seems to have brilliant ideas about his ministry, if only he could put them into practice. The national youth service will always be a blot on his personality. His name pops up wherever something underhand has occurred.
Recommendation: Should clean himself up.

Score: 4/10

Minister of Justice and Legal Affairs Patrick Chinamasa

Has been in the same ministry for far too long — 10 years. Has continued to sing for his supper. Needs to move away from party stunts especially regarding the GNU. One wonders when he will meet the needs of prisoners, operationalise the judicial services commission and meet the minimum standards, best practice and needs for a sound justice delivery institutions.
Recommendation: Is it possible for a hawk to turn into a dove? Too much darkness and hate dog him.

Score 4/10

Minister of Public Service Eliphas Mukonoweshuro

Still waiting for the audit on the civil service, a review of salaries and conditions of services and to the harmonisation of the Public Service Act with the Labour Act. Yet to implement the personnel performance system for public servants.
Recommendation: Run your ministry like a listed company. Civil servants want to be updated regularly.

Score 5/10

Minister of Local Government, Urban and Rural Development Ignatious Chombo

In Zimbabwe there are ministers, then controversial ministers, then there is Ignatious Chombo. He always has a sly way of doing things. If he was an actor he would not need a script. He enjoys too much free rein.
Recommendation: If only there could be someone who could take a good look at this guy! Being one of the richest guys in the land shouldn’t he be excused so he could run his Babylonisque empire?

Score 3/10

Minister of Energy and Power Development Elias Mudzuri

When Mudzuri took over in February, he ordered Zesa to stop disconnections until March when new tariff charges were expected. He was commended by many but to everyone’s shock, Zimbabweans were hit by unjustified bills, in some instances exceeding US$1 600. This was despite the fact that the country was facing worsening power outages, with some suburbs going for weeks or even months without electricity. Recommendation: Prioritise refurbishment and rehabilitation of infrastructure.

Score 4/10

Higher and Tertiary Education Stan Mudenge

Mudenge has privatised public tertiary institutions through fees beyond the reach of the majority of students. He has failed to improve the living, working and learning conditions at the University of Zimbabwe, which was one of the best in Africa. The university has been forced to close the halls of residence because of the state of dilapidation, forcing students from outside Harare to be squatters. Some students have been forced into prostitution and criminal activities to raise money for accommodation and fees. Recommendation: Needs to be more visible and show he still has the energy to clog on?

Score 0/10

Minister of Mines and Mining Development Obert Mpofu

Mpofu was one of the most visible ministers because of the controversy surrounding the Chiadzwa diamonds. The mining sector is showing signs of recovery. Despite the positive achievements, Mpofu lost the plot when he did not float a tender to select prospective investors to partner government in diamond extraction in Marange, overlooking better equipped and experienced diamond partners.
Recommendation: Should be transparent especially in the awarding of contracts.
Score 5/10

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Ghastly reality of Mugabe’s education legacy

The Zimbabwean
By Cathy Buckle
15 December 2009

One youngster, whose education I have been helping with since she was five years old, has just written her O Level’s and looking back on her schooling is a horrible nightmare and something no child should have to go through.

In 2000 when she was 7 years old and learning to read and write, *Tsitsi found herself on the roadside with her parents when we were all evicted from our homes on a commercial farm by a bunch of Zanu (PF) thugs.

In 2003, when she was 10 and practising her spelling and learning about grammar, Tsisti changed schools and went back to live in a rural village. Her Aunt and Uncle had both just died of Aids and there were two young cousins who had to be taken care of. Every cent was needed and every pair of hands too.
Back in a rural school in 2005, a 12-year-old learning about geography and science, Tsisti suddenly found she had to share her desk and then sit on the floor as scores of new children arrived. Their homes in towns had been destroyed by government bulldozers in what was called Operation Murambatsvina and the school and village were suddenly full of strangers who had lost everything.

That same year she missed many days of learning when teachers were forced to go to Zanu (PF) rallies, or when the school was closed for elections and the teachers went away to do polling duty. At the end of that year she wrote her Grade 7 examinations marking the end of junior school. It would be two years before she got the results and she hadn’t done very well.

For the whole of 2008, a 15-year-old teenager, Tsitsi only spent 32 days at school. The rest of the time the school was not operating.

When Tsitsi went to pay exam fees to write 7 subjects at O level in November 2009, she was told she also had to pay for paper to write the tests on and she sacrificed one subject because she didn’t have enough money. She dropped another subject in order to pay the 10 US cents per student per day being demanded by teachers in order to teach this last term. This is on top of school fees, school association levies and a raft of other charges that arise almost every week for one miscellany or another.

Tsitsi has just finished writing her 5 O level exams and left school. At the end of her school life she has only ever done her homework by candlelight; she has never learnt how to even switch on a computer; she missed the entire first year of her O level syllabus and has only been allowed to take a text book home after school three or four times in her entire school life.

Tsitsi has done almost her entire schooling wearing second hand uniforms, no shoes or second hand ones that were not the right size and carrying her books in a plastic bag. In her O level year she dug weeds from a field for two weeks in exchange for a second hand school dress.

Thirty years ago Mr Mugabe and Zanu (PF) promised education for all by the year 2000 but Tsitsi is the reality of what they gave us. No one really knows how Education Minister David Coltart managed to get Zimbabwe’s schools open again this year or how he persuaded teachers to work for a pittance, but he did. All credit to him and to thousands of teachers and hundreds of thousands of students for enduring, suffering and sacrificing. Until next time, thanks for reading, Ndini shamwari yenyu.

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Minister reaches out to diaspora via teleconference

SW Radio Africa
By Lance Guma
14 December 2009

Education Minister David Coltart this weekend broke new ground by engaging Zimbabweans in the diaspora via a teleconference call. The teleconference was organized by the Council for Zimbabwe, a United States based group working to ‘serve the humanitarian and development needs of Zimbabwe by leveraging the expertise and resources of the Diaspora.’

Zimbabweans from such diverse countries as Denmark, Canada, South Africa, United Kingdom and others were invited to call a particular number which put them in the teleconference with the Minister, who was in South Africa at the time.

Dominic Muntanga, a founder member of the Council for Zimbabwe, said Saturday’s teleconference was a non-political platform that allowed the Minister to lay out his vision for education in the country while allowing the diaspora to ask how they can help achieve that vision.

It began with Muntanga laying out what his organization does and then Coltart spoke about the key issues around developing the education sector. He spoke about curriculum development and the setting up of Academies of Excellence in each of the country’s provinces.

Callers from the diaspora then asked questions about how they could help achieve some of these goals and what the education ministry’s budget was. One caller pointed out that when Coltart took over the ministry the budget for 3 million children was about US$2 million, only 66 cents per child. Coltart was also asked if he could facilitate legislation that would make imported educational products duty free.

Coltart responded by saying there was no need to introduce such legislation, as it was already in place. He said under the Private Voluntary Organizations Act it was possible for groups outside the country to send books and other equipment into the country on charitable grounds. He explained that the Ministry of Education could also help groups clear their donations with the customs authority.

With the Mugabe regime maintaining a stranglehold on the media, the use of new media technologies are already beginning to make their mark in Zimbabwe, opening up new frontiers for communication.

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Heads roll at Zimsec

ZimEye.org
By Moses Muchemwa
December 13, 2009

Harare – The Minister of Education, Sports, Arts and Culture David Coltart is set to restructure the Zimsec Board to improve its functionality.

Coltart said the move was aimed at improving the functional viability of the examination body characterised by numerous shortcomings and challenges that crippled the smooth running of examinations in the country.

He however did not highlight on the names of candidates who were likely to occupy the new board arguing that his ministry was still making consultations.

“My ministry is currently working on a new Zimsec board as stipulated by the law. What is important is that we are in the process of putting our house in order as you are aware that there has been so much criticism on our examination body for its failure to ensure smooth execution of examinations and this has compromised our education status in the entire southern region,” said Coltart.

Coltart added that the main aim of setting up a new board was to ensure efficiency within Zimsec, which was slowly becoming unfashionable to most parents and pupils.

“We acknowledge that parents have lost faith in Zimsec thus as ministry we are focusing on restoring confidence and this could be done by total revamping operations of the examination body.

“We hope that by putting up a new board the functions and operations of Zimsec would improve to restore trust and confidence among stakeholders,” he said.

Happy Ndanga who is the director heads the current body.

Zimsec spokesperson Ezekiel Pasipamire confirmed the development stating that it was the Minister’s prerogative to appoint the board.

“The term of office for the current board expired last year hence it is a necessity for the minister to name and appoint the new board. The other thing is that there hasn’t been a full Zimsec Board for quite sometime,” he said.

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England move out of the fog for Test series

BBC
12 December 2009

So after eight days of preparation in East London, England’s cricketers head back to Johannesburg ready for Wednesday’s eagerly anticipated opening Test at nearby Centurion Park.

Although the quality of practice in the warm-up games was debatable, playing a moderate South African Invitational side on a slow pitch, to be honest England were probably pleased just to get out on the field following a hugely frustrating period which saw them play only three days cricket in three weeks due to bad weather across the country.

When we arrived on the south coast, the prospects did not look great with a mixed weather forecast and a sodden Buffalo Park. When you looked down the East London Esplanade it looked more like a scene from John Carpenter’s “The Fog” than a holiday destination with the sea mist enveloping the hotels by the edge of the beach.
Heavy rain at the start of the week left the players seeking out alternative forms of amusing themselves. East London was described to us by one local as a “nine to five kind of place, where nothing is more than 10 minutes away”. One British journalist was rather more harsh, labelling the city as “grim”… which earned a rebuke in the local paper the Daily Dispatch.

But the players seemed to find things to do as the rain fell. Several made their way to the cinema where the disaster movie “2012” was a favourite , the nearby indoor gym was in regular use and we would often catch up with a member of the squad topping up supplies in the local supermarket.

However I don’t think many sought out East London’s most famous attractions which are housed in the Natural History Museum. A stuffed fish and an old egg may not seem very exciting, but the fish concerned is the famous “coelacanth” caught off the waters here in 1938 which evolutionists believe provided the missing link between water and land animals, while the egg is the only surviving dodo egg believed to exist in the world.

I also believe the players managed to resist the temptation to see the East London pantomime which opened this week… “Snow White and the Seven Dofs” at the Guild Theatre. According to the shows publicity, “keeping you in stitches playing Dame Dolla the Palace Nanny is Byron Mountford”. I assume Byron is no relation of mine but to be honest I never went along to the Guild Theatre to find out.

Fortunately the weather improved by the middle of the week and we could all concentrate on matters on the field. Obviously practice at altitude ahead of a Highveld Test would have been better than down on the coast… although coach Andy Flower and wicketkeeping coach Bruce French did manage to reach the heights on the final day in East London when they scaled one of the floodlight pylons at Buffalo Park, much to the amusement of the players as they walked off the field at lunch. The former Nottinghamshire keeper is a massive climbing enthusiast.

In terms of lessons learned from the week of practice, it has just fuelled the speculation about the make-up of England’s team for the first Test, with as many questions as answers.

Has James Anderson proved his fitness ahead of the Test? Do the five wickets for Ryan Sidebottom put him in contention for a recall? Has Luke Wright got a genuine chance of making his Test debut in Pretoria? Will Ian Bell keep his place with all six specialist batsman included?

As you would expect the England captain and management are keeping the final XI for Centurion close to their chest – and it will be fascinating to find out the line-up on Wednesday.

As for our line-up for the first Test – Jonathan Agnew will be joined by Simon Mann and popular South African broadcaster Gerald De Kock, with expert analysis from Michael Vaughan, Geoff Boycott and Vic Marks.

Vaughan, England’s most successful captain of all time, is making his TMS debut in the game. He of course made his Test debut here in South Africa 10 years ago, led England to a series win on their last tour here in 2004/05 and played his final Test against South Africa before his tearful resignation as captain last summer. We will also hear regularly from former South Africa captain Shaun Pollock throughout the series.

During the lunch interval on Wednesday at 1030 GMT, we will be trying to cut through the jargon to explain how the controversial new umpire referral systemworks, including hearing from one of the boffins who helped develop the Hawk-Eyesystem which is being used to help make decisions. As always if you have any questions or observations then you can contact us via the TMS blog, e-mail tms@bbc.co.uk or text us on 84040.

Also during the Test we’ll be focusing on the latest situation over in Zimbabwe and discuss if cricket is recovering enough for them to return to playing Tests. Guests will include Zimbabwe’s Minister of Education, Sport, Arts and Culture Senator David Coltart and former Zimbabwe player Pommie Mbangwa.

With Makhaya Ntini expected to play his 100th Test in Pretoria we will be assessing his contribution to South Africa cricket. We’ll hear from TMS summariser turned England batting coach Graham Gooch, from selector Ashley Giles who also played in England’s victory here five years ago and from England cricket’s managing director Hugh Morris.

We will also begin a series looking at “Cricket’s Decade”, focusing at how the game has changed over the last 10 years with themes including match-fixing, the rise of Twenty20 cricket and the strength of the English game a decade after they plummeted to the bottom of the ICC Test rankings table. And we’ll be catching up with Oli Broom who is “Cycling to the Ashes” to help raise money for the Lord’s Taverners. Oli has got as far as Istanbul on his incredible quest to ride to Brisbane in time for next year’s series with Australia.

It all gets underway on Wednesday morning with BBC Radio 5 live Sports Extra on air from 0815 GMT. For the first couple of days BBC Radio 4’s Long Wave listeners will join the commentary just before 0900 following “Yesterday in Parliament”, but you will also be able to listen online – details at bbc.co.uk/cricket.
Kevin Howells will provide updates every 15 minutes on BBC Radio 5 live, and Jonathan Agnew will round up all the day’s play with Geoff Boycott in the TMS Podcast.

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Muckraker: Zanu PF milks World Cup visit dry

Zimbabwe Independent
Muckraker
4 December 2009

SO, there are now 27 items to be adjudicated by the South African mediators, as distinct from the eight that dominated the agenda a few weeks ago in Mozambique. Muckraker doesn’t want to get bogged down here in all these issues. Suffice it to say many could be dealt with on the basis of what was agreed in last year’s Global Political Agreement and in the January Sadc summit in Pretoria.

The Herald’s informants are trying to make a distinction between issues and “real issues”. The MDC-T, for one, it says, has refused to call for the lifting of sanctions and done nothing about “illegal broadcasts of hate messages into Zimbabwe from outside the country”.

Meanwhile, the MDC-T’s land-audit proposal is seen as an attempt to reverse land reform.

Zanu PF is evidently terrified of anything that would expose the greedy chefs who have acquired more than one farm for themselves. But there will be no lifting of sanctions until Zanu PF stops behaving badly. No Western country will support a rogue regime whose members help themselves to other people’s property under the guise of addressing historical anomalies.

The whole point of Sadc’s intervention was to prevent a gang of political barons in Zimbabwe from blocking reform and creating a regional crisis. Members of the gang are among the chief land grabbers and have invented the fiction that “pirate” radio stations are pumping “hate messages” into Zimbabwe.
It doesn’t say what these so-called “hate messages” are. Only that the MDC-T is supplying these stations with “false data to discredit President Mugabe and his party”.

Zanu PF doesn’t need the MDC-T to do that.

In reality these stations are simply providing the public with the facts they need to make up their own minds on what is happening in the country. In other words providing a variety of viewpoints.

The GPA is quite clear on this. Once ZBC starts offering an impartial and professional service, there will be no need for external stations. But the minister cannot bring himself to make a public statement that journalists working for these stations will not be subject to reprisals if and when they return home. Nor does he or his underlings seem able to insist on improved standards at the national broadcaster.

The South African mediators are said to be unimpressed with the mushrooming of new issues. The answer is simple. Stick with what was agreed in the first place. Or is that asking too much?

We were interested to note the Mail & Guardian’s comments on the appointment of Menzi Simelane as South African Attorney-General (National Director of Public Prosecutions). This is a “thoroughly unsuitable” appointment, the paper said, given Simelane’s role in the demise of the Scorpions, his bid to frustrate the arms deal investigations, and disastrous interference in the Jackie Selebi investigation.
The M&G referred to President Zuma’s “curious choice” of the prosecutions chief in the light of former parliamentary Speaker Frene Ginwala’s “damning findings about Simelane’s dishonesty and lack of integrity”.

Ginwala chaired an enquiry into Simelane’s predecessor Vusi Pikoli’s fitness for office following his suspension by Thabo Mbeki.

Pikoli came out of Ginwala’s inquiry unscathed, but others weren’t so lucky. The Public Service Commission had reportedly recommended that the Justice minister take disciplinary action against Simelane. But it later changed its mind and instead he was appointed to high office!

It is good to see our friends in the South African media exercising such robust vigilance over the appointment of unsuitable and partisan individuals to the top office in the prosecution service.
Ginwala slammed Simelane in her final report, calling him arrogant and condescending. She labelled his evidence before her inquiry as “contradictory and without basis in fact or in law” and blamed him for suppressing the disclosure of information, according to the M&G last week.

Constitutional expert Prof Pierre de Vos, the M&G notes, wrote in his blog that the NDPP must be a “fit and proper person” with due regard to his “experience, conscientiousness and integrity to be entrusted with the responsibilities of the office concerned”.

“Unfortunately we know from the report of the Ginwala inquiry that Simelane is not honest. Neither is he reliable, nor does he possess the necessary truthfulness and uprightness required by the (NPA) Act,” De Vos said.

When a country gets it wrong in appointing its chief law officers, we would add, it leaves the system open to manipulation and partisan interference. That in turn subverts public respect for the office which is crucial to its proper functioning. The South Africans will learn the hard way!
Simelane, by the way, went to Prince Edward School.

It was inevitable perhaps that the cowards who write for the Herald’s opinion columns should take pot shots at two genuine heroes of Zimbabwe’s struggle for democracy, Jenni Williams and Magodonga Mahlangu.

These two Woza women were honoured in a ceremony at the White House for their courage and determination in exercising their right to demonstrate against injustice and tyranny.
President Barack Obama said the women of Woza had shown that they can “undermine their oppressors’ power with their own power, that they can sap a dictator’s strength with their own”.
Then we saw in the usual places occupied by the regime’s spokesmen statements that the duo didn’t really represent the women of Zimbabwe.

“Mahlangu and Williams, like the poor women they pay to march, are black faces to the white man’s agenda,” we were told by the all-too-familiar letter-writers’ club in Munhumutapa Building and other such spooky hideouts.

This disgraceful case of sour grapes, published last Friday, seeks to denigrate two incredibly brave women who have stood up for human rights and been treated abominably by a vicious state. And if their courage inspires nothing but spitting indignation from the cowards in our midst, let them spit and rant. It simply exposes them as the sore losers they are.

The visit of the World Cup to Harare last Thursday evening provided some amusing moments for those present or watching on TV. Zanu PF turned it into a party-political rally, waking up the poor old chiefs and requiring them to attend. The First Family was also present at what was clearly seen as a soccer highlight even though Zimbabwe had not actually scored.

Many ministers also thought it would be a good idea to attend although Sports Minister David Coltart had difficulty getting himself noticed.

Walter Mzembi certainly got noticed with his funny little joke about the Victoria Falls. He was often asked which country the Falls belonged to, he said. It was like a beautiful woman asleep, he suggested. Her backside was in Zambia and her front in Zimbabwe.

Well, this was clearly the funniest joke the president had ever heard. He threw back his head and roared uncontrollably with laughter. Grace was equally amused.

At risk of sounding prudish, Muckraker thought the joke a tad off-colour and that Mzembi was at risk telling it, especially with the first kids present. But it went down so well nobody could complain. In fact Mzembi could well find himself promoted in the next cabinet reshuffle, especially after all that praise-singing he managed to squeeze in!

We hope Happison Muchechetere was listening to the national anthem. It was totally ruined by ZTV’s poor sound control. In fact the technical side of the broadcast was a disaster. And this came after Muchechetere’s indignant claims of professionalism recently in response to criticism from the MDC-T.
Please Happison, it is now 30 years you have been getting technical help from the Germans, the Iranians and everybody else. Can’t you do a simple outside broadcast? What we need is less Zanu PF propaganda and more elementary journalism and broadcasting skills.

Last Friday the Herald carried a headline entitled “PSC to weed out parallel appointees”. It was based on a statement by PSC chairman Dr Mariyawanda Nzuwah. It was clearly aimed at the MDC-T.
Shouldn’t the heading have read “PSC to weed out partisan, unprofessional appointees”? That includes those advertising their credentials in the Herald.

There are so many of them this may take a while. One of these unprofessional appointees was telling Herald readers that “ministers, as political figureheads, had no authority to recruit their own staff”.
It hadn’t occurred to this ubiquitous spokesman that the MDC-T was only forced to cast its net wider because the existing pool of senior officials was so badly contaminated with people like him!

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We are the MDC, not MDC-M – Ncube

SW Radio Africa
By Violet Gonda
November 30, 2009

TRANSCRIPT of interview conducted by Violet Gonda of SW Radio Africa with Welshman Ncube, secretary-general of the Arthur Mutambara-led MDC broadcast on November, 27 2009.

Violet Gonda interviews MDC negotiator Welshman Ncube, on the SW RadioAfrica program, HotSeat.

GONDA: My guest on the Hot Seat programme today is Professor Welshman Ncube, the Minister of Industry and Commerce and one of the negotiators from the MDC-M. Welcome on the programme Professor Ncube.
NCUBE: Thank you.
GONDA: Now let me start with the latest developments; you are back discussing issues that you had negotiated on before, why is this happening again?
NCUBE: Well it’s self-evident, we’re back to negotiations because there is a fair amount of unhappiness about either the implementation of the original Agreement itself or the implementation of the decision of the SADC Summit of 26th to 27th January this year which directly gave birth to the inclusive government or because certain maybe unforeseen circumstances have arisen which have affected the capacity of the parties to continue to work together and lastly maybe, just because political parties and their nature – they never stop grandstanding and trying to make political capital out of every situation.
GONDA: So can you tell us what has been agreed on so far?
NCUBE: Well regrettably I can’t tell you that because there is agreement that we should not begin to negotiate in the broader media and one of the resolutions that have been taken by the negotiators is to simply indicate that we are talking, the talks are continuing, we have an agreed agenda which we need to go through without talking to each other or doing reinterpretations which might lead to further complications through the media.
GONDA: But can you tell us which issues the parties are still divided on?
NCUBE: Well I wouldn’t say the issues where parties are still divided on because we are going through the agenda. What I can tell you is that the same issues that everyone knows have been raised by the parties are the issues which remain on the agenda, issues as I have said which arise from the SADC Communiqué of 26th to 27th of January this year. And those issues, you’ll recall that communiqué asked the parties, or directed the parties to go and agree on a formula for the appointment of provincial governors. Those governors remain unappointed and therefore they’re self-evidently an issue. Then again that communiqué requested or directed the inclusive government to deal with the dispute around the appointment of the Reserve Bank governor and the Attorney General. That issue regrettably over the last nine months has either not been dealt with or no agreement on how to deal with it has been arrived at. The communiqué also directed that the inclusive government must be constituted by the swearing in of the Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister and the swearing in of all the Ministers and Deputy Ministers by the 13th of February. We all know that one of the Deputy Ministers nominated by MDC-T has not been sworn in and therefore, even though that SADC Summit resolution has been substantially complied with, it has not been completely and fully complied with because one Deputy Minister remains un-sworn in, clearly therefore that is an issue arising out of that communiqué.
And since the formation of the inclusive government different parties are happy, are unhappy about different aspects of implementation of the GPA. And there’s unhappiness about implementation around the provisions that we agreed on sanctions, there’s unhappiness about the agreement relating to the media in what you might call a two-fold manner – there is the question of the external radio stations such as yours where the provisions relating to encouraging and ensuring that these radio stations should be encouraged to come and broadcast from home rather than externally where it is believed they are influenced by, funded by and also pursuing the agenda of foreign interests.
Then there is the issue of the continued polarisation in the media, in particular that whereas the parties and Zimbabweans have tried to move out of their pre-inclusive government trenches, the media has remained firmly, firmly entrenched in those trenches and sniping away at the political party or parties that are perceived to be the enemies of that section of the media. So all around there’s unhappiness about the media, some are unhappy about the public media, the way it has continued to report, some are unhappy about the private media which equally has taken sides and promote as much hate speech regrettably as is promoted by the public media, so that issue has also to be dealt with.
Then there are issues relating to alleged operations of parallel government, indeed by both sides, there are accusations and counter accusations, as you know that this side or that side operate a parallel government not accountable to and not controlled by the inclusive government.
Then you have the issues about continued failure to adhere to the rule of law, selective prosecutions of people on the basis of their political opinions or their belonging to particular political parties. So these are some of the issues which we all know have been in the public arena or public domain for quite some time and in respect of which this or that party is unhappy about and we have therefore to review these issues and find a formula to solve them.
GONDA: I would want to talk a bit more about the external radio stations but just to go back to some of these outstanding issues you mentioned, we know where the MDC-T stands on the outstanding issues, for example they want a review of the appointments of the Reserve Bank governor Gideon Gono, the Attorney General Johannes Tomana and governors among other issues and we know that Zanu-PF is saying it wants the sanctions removed and external radio stations shut down but what about the MDC-M, your party, can you spell out your own view about what you believe are the outstanding issues?
NCUBE: Well certainly there’s no entity called MDC-M, but having said that…
GONDA: What do you mean, there’s no entity called the MDC-M? MDC-Mutambara, is that not your party?
NCUBE: Never. There is no party registered by that name. There might be persistence in the media and elsewhere in calling us by that name, but we are not MDC-M.
GONDA: So what is your name?
NCUBE: We are the MDC full stop. We have never, we contested the elections by that name, we have always used that name but that’s not the core issue. I say it because if I don’t then I will be conceding to being called by a name which we have never fielded.
As I say, that’s not a core issue. Your question is about what are our issues – first we have always said the issues which SADC require to be resolved must be resolved and consequently therefore all the issues which arise out of the communiqué as I have indicated them to you, are issues which we say must be resolved and have always said must be resolved because we are parties to the discussions of that communiqué. We are directly affected by those issues, the appointment of provincial governors is a matter of concern to us which is our issue too because if you are to have an inclusive government each of the parties must be represented at all the levels of government and provincial governance is one of those levels. So that is our issue and we have repeatedly said so.
We have equally, equally insisted that the issue of the media as I have summarised to you is an issue which requires to be addressed. In fact on that issue we have been most adversely affected. One of the other parties, two parties, complains about the public media, the other about the private media, we complain about both and we are the only party which do not control, which do not have any media under our captivity, the others have this or that media under their captivity and we clearly therefore do not accept that Zimbabwe deserves a media that is under captivity in one form or the other.
Clearly therefore too, we have an interest in the observance of the rule of law, we have an interest in ensuring that the GPA is implemented as we agreed, that no one party, no one section of society is subjected to the law and others are not. So those are issues which are of interest to us. What you might perceive as a difference is that we have not yet mastered the art of grandstanding and we don’t always stand at the roof tops and shout about these issues.
GONDA: You know in terms of the media coverage you complain that your party has been adversely affected and that there’s this unfair media coverage but isn’t this to some extent because your party is viewed with suspicion and also because you lost dismally in the last elections and that out of the four ministers in government, only one was elected?
NCUBE: Well Violet, that’s illogical. The question of who this party deploys to government is an exclusive prerogative of this party. It cannot be said because this one was elected, this was unelected – we have an obligation to deploy this or that person. On the contrary we have deployed Moses Mzila Ndlovu, David Coltart, and Tapela – all of whom were elected. We have deployed only so-called unelected people who are the senior leaders of the party and even that for good cause. You are not going to go around buying our Members of Parliament who work with you and expect us to then deploy them into government. And we did that quite deliberately and we were being asked to deploy people who were already working for another political party and we are not imbeciles, we will not do that and we’ll never do that. We will deploy people who will stand by, defend the party, die for the party and will not deploy turncoats who can be bought overnight.
So it’s quite simple as far as we are concerned and the principle issue is you cannot disagree with Tsvangirai and his party. All of us exist to serve them, if you don’t serve them you will be perceived in a negative way, if you jump at the top of the highest mountain and say Tsvangirai is God, you will be worshipped by the media and civil society – that is the bottom line and indeed you should be worried if you are a true democrat. You shall be worried and indeed not just worried, you shall be truly afraid because you have a culture, you have a party, you have a civil society which is a mirror image of Zanu-PF in its behaviour, in its treatment of dissenting voices – because you believe that the positions you have taken are an eternal truth. Who dares challenge an eternal truth?
And did Zanu-PF not believe that it’s a socialist thing, its nationalist thing, its land thing are eternal truths? And therefore who dared challenge them? And its exactly the same thing and this is what is actually frustrating, kuti (that) a people who are supposed to be champions of democracy because they think they’re on the right side of history and right side of justice and therefore there can no longer be any right to contest their position and you are constructing Zanu-PF.
GONDA: What about the issue of Gono and Tomana? Where does your party stand on that?
NCUBE: Look, those are communiqué issues. The communiqué of SADC said the inclusive government must resolve them and therefore as I have said all communiqué issues are our issues too. We don’t stand with MDC-T; we don’t stand with Zanu-PF. Our position is clear, we have nothing personally against Gono, we have nothing personally against Tomana and we are not obsessed about the matter but we believe in principle that once you had a GPA signed on the 15th of September, any senior appointments that had to be made should have been made consistently with the provisions of the GPA, which required the parties to agree and clearly therefore those appointments were made after agreement. We believe that they should be made within the letter of the GPA and should be made within the spirit of the GPA but we have nothing personal against any of those individuals. Ours is a matter of principle, a matter of procedure that an appointment that is required to be made in a particular way was not made in a particular way.
GONDA: So obviously this is a point of departure between you and the other MDC?
NCUBE: I’ve no idea; I don’t speak for them so I don’t know what their position is.
GONDA: Let me go back to the issue of the media. What really is the issue at hand here when it comes to the radio stations is it because we are broadcasting externally into Zimbabwe or that we do not come under the influence of the State machinery?
NCUBE: My understanding is that in the GPA there is an agreement that those who broadcast into Zimbabwe and are supposedly Zimbabwean media should therefore broadcast from Zimbabwe as a matter of principle. That’s what was agreed so that the primary radio stations in Zimbabwe are not an extension of foreign governments or foreign interests, which appears to be in the case in the state of some of the external radio stations.
GONDA: Appears in whose eyes? Appears in whose eyes that they are an extension of foreign interests?
NCUBE: Well if you have a radio station which is an arm of a particular foreign government as is the case of at least one of the foreign radio stations which is in fact funded by a foreign government as part of its own national radio station but dedicated to broadcasting into Zimbabwe. Surely you would agree, surely you must agree that everything else being equal, that is undesirable? That is not to suggest that there were no justifications or circumstances which justified getting to the position where you had foreign governments providing a framework or a support to the establishment of radio stations to broadcast into Zimbabwe because you had a closed media environment but…
GONDA: But surely…
NCUBE: …if I may finish… you would agree that if you were to correct the internal problems in Zimbabwe, just like any other country it will be desirable to have what is called Zimbabwe media to have stations dedicated to broadcasting about Zimbabwe, broadcasting from Zimbabwe. There’s a difference between a station in any other part of the world reporting on Zimbabwe from time to time but from whether a situation where you have a radio station dedicated at, dedicated into broadcasting about and exclusively, almost exclusively on Zimbabwe and everybody’s agreed, indeed in the GPA this is not a matter for debate. The parties agreed that this is undesirable and that as a general principle we ought to have Zimbabwean media broadcast from Zimbabwe and we acknowledge in the GPA that there are circumstances, which gave, rise to this.
GONDA: Can you be more specific about this? SW Radio Africa is not pursuing the agenda of any foreign government and is not an extension of foreign interest. And also how can you make the shutting down of external radio stations a priority when you are failing to open up the media environment in Zimbabwe?
NCUBE: Firstly I have not alleged that your radio station is an arm of any foreign government. At the worst it is a radio station, which operates externally to Zimbabwe or from Zimbabwe. It is a radio station which will be funded by, I believe, the money which is external to Zimbabwe and I have not suggested and I would think that everyone would acknowledge that your radio station is not a radio station which is an arm of a foreign government.
Then secondly, I have not insisted, as far as I understand myself that anyone should be shut down. I have said in the Global Political Agreement there is an agreement that we will liberalise the media so that those who are operating from outside Zimbabwe will be free to come into Zimbabwe and broadcast without let or hindrance from Zimbabwe. Indeed the relevant clause says – in anticipation of a free media environment the parties thereby agree that the external radio stations should be encouraged to return to Zimbabwe and to broadcast from Zimbabwe…
GONDA: So why are the…
NCUBE: So clearly therefore we have not yet got to a state where you can say the legislative framework has allowed that to happen and clearly therefore it is a matter therefore which needs to be addressed.
GONDA: So you see, this is perhaps where the confusion is, why are you then as the negotiators and even as the political parties even talking about the external radio stations right now when there is no free media environment, when the airwaves have not been opened up? Surely, shouldn’t that come first? Opening up the airwaves, setting up the media commission and then the journalists or the radio stations that are operating from abroad can then decide whether they want to go back into the country?
NCUBE: SADC resolved in Maputo, that the grievances of each and of all the parties must be addressed and resolved concurrently and not sequentially and hence if a party has therefore said we are unhappy with the continued operations of the external radio stations, well none of the parties have the power to veto it because SADC said if you do not put on the table the grievances of all the parties then you would not make progress. Clearly therefore we have to put that issue of external radio stations on the agenda because one of the parties flagged it at SADC as an issue over which it is unhappy. And so consequently it is an issue, which we have to address and find a formula in respect of which everyone will be happy about it. It is not for us to prejudge the issue by saying your issue is invalid and we should not put it on the table because the other party will also say – fine we will say your issues are equally invalid and we’ll veto their putting them on the table and we will not get anywhere if that is the attitude.
If you ask me personally and you ask me as the representative of the MDC, I will tell you that there are certain things which would make it easier for us to deal with this issue if they were to happen internally to Zimbabwe but I will not go so far as to say these must therefore be preconditions. If you do then you will have in fact validated Zanu-PF’s contention that the issues which were put by them on the agenda originally are all often being said – ah they are issues for implementation last, you must implement all the other issues that we – as the MDC collectively this time – were concerned about: Have a full restoration of the rule of law, have a full media freedom, have full this or that and all those were issues which were placed by us on the agenda and Zanu-PF complains that you want a full realisation and full benefit of your “issues” in quotation marks while you are saying – oh our issues depend on the implementation of your issues so therefore we will get a situation where all your issues are implemented and ours remain unimplemented and there is this or that excuse for their lack of implementation. That is the challenge and that is what they have flagged over the last couple of months and it behoves us to find a formula to ensure that they are satisfied that if the other issues are implemented we will not simply walk away and say – we have got what we want in respect of issues, it’s your problem that you haven’t got what you wanted.
GONDA: But don’t you realise that you can or you may discuss the issue of the external radio stations until you are blue in the face but nothing is going to happen because the creation of some of these radio stations such as ours had nothing to do with politicians and you have no authority to ask for the radio stations to close down. And secondly we all know that this is a Zanu-PF pre-condition – the closing down of these external radio stations – you can’t close down things you don’t like – isn’t that what it all means, isn’t this what democracy is about?
NCUBE: We all recognise that we have no power to legislate for something which is happening from London or from America and we all realise that we cannot therefore compel anybody to shut down a radio station one way or the other which is why in the GPA we talk of encouraging. We could not and we did not say they must shut down or must be shut down by anyone because we clearly have no such physical or legal power to do it, it’s self-evident and in this interview I have repeatedly used the word encourage.
GONDA: Yes but Zanu-PF doesn’t use that word. Robert Mugabe has on many times been on record as saying that the radio stations should be shut down, he does not say encourage.
NCUBE: Violet, I don’t care what people in their parties say, I care about what we agreed and what we agreed is in the GPA and I’m just giving it to you. I’m no spokesperson for Zanu-PF or any other party for that matter therefore I have no mandate nor the will nor the desire to explain what they say.
GONDA: You know it’s been suggested that your team from the MDC is sympathetic towards Zanu-PF and is doing the bidding for Zanu-PF and that you are viewed as a spoiler. How do you react to that?
NCUBE: I’m tempted not to dignify that rubbish with an answer. You have just been saying right now – passionately defending your right of your freedom of expression, freedom of the media to exist and to hold views and to allow people to propagate their views through their media as freely as they want to and you were very passionate just a few minutes ago – and surely you must be equally passionate about our right as a party to hold views which are different from MDC-T and which are different from yours and which are different from civil society and which are different from those of Zanu-PF, and therefore we don’t exist for the purpose of agreeing with this or that particular party.
And therefore when we disagree with the favourite party of some interest you can label us whatever you wish and we wouldn’t care a hoot. We take our position on the basis of our party policies and on the basis of our principles and we hold no brief for Zanu-PF. We disagree in a lot of ways, too many ways with Zanu-PF to be even considered as a party, which bids for Zanu-PF. Just as much as we disagree in terms in particular of the practices of the MDC-T, fundamentally disagree with them in many ways and it’s our right to do so. The fact that we do disagree with them does not make us Zanu-PF.
GONDA: Did you deliberately leave the country to avoid the talks?
NCUBE: First again that is a nonsensical idiotic allegation. What the heck do I have an interest in avoiding the talks? What is it that I have to gain by avoiding the talks when in fact, when in fact we were the party which was saying before these talks were started and were called that the parties need to sit down and talk? You look at each and every comment, every statement that we made prior to the SADC Ministerial visit, prior to the SADC Troika Summit in Maputo, President Mutambara consistently, consistently called upon MDC-T, called upon Zanu-PF to sit down and talk.
We are the ones who called upon Morgan Tsvangirai to come back to the country so that this matter can be resolved by Zimbabweans across the table and if you look at our oral and written submissions to the SADC Ministerial Troika we recommended this dialogue and these talks, it is emphatically calling for the talks. Indeed more than any of the other parties we did that. You will recall the MDC-T were saying there is no reason for any talks, all you need is to implement the GPA without any discussion. So even on the basis of the fact it is nonsensical to say that the party, which called for, which campaigned for, which argued for the dialogue suddenly wants to avoid the dialogue.
Secondly the meetings, which we travelled to attend, were meetings, which were predetermined long before, long before the talks were agreed and before the timeframe was set by SADC. I went to the ATC Council of Ministers in Brussels which was agreed upon six months ago that it will take place on those dates which we committed ourselves that we will attend to ensure that you have appointments of the new Secretary General, you have the budget for next year, you have programmes for next year and that we as a country have an interest in ensuring that all those things take place and that is the meeting I went to attend. Mrs Mushonga went to attend the meeting of the ADB Bank, which we were requested as Chair of COMESA to go and attend that meeting and to make a presentation on behalf of COMESA as the current chairs of COMESA. So if some imbecile somewhere thinks that attending those meetings is avoiding the talks it is not my problem.
Thirdly and finally, the 15 days we are talking about, we as a party were available for the talks. When we returned from Maputo we said we were available for the talks and others were not available. I then travelled to Egypt with President Mugabe to the Africa/China Summit on that weekend immediately, or rather on the Sunday immediately after the Maputo Summit and we came back on the Monday and we offered ourselves for the talks, we said we can talk on Tuesday, we can talk on Wednesday, we can talk on Thursday, we can talk on Friday, we can talk on the Saturday and the Sunday and there were no takers for our offer, others were busy. On the Monday that’s when we were then away, on the Monday, and the Tuesday and the Wednesday – three days.
We returned on Thursday and offered to be at the negotiating table on the Friday, on the Saturday, on the Sunday, on the Monday and we even offered to say let’s get out of Harare and have a retreat so that we will have uninterrupted negotiations with a view to concluding them as expeditiously as possible. Again there were no takers. For instance the Minister of Finance said he was working on his budget, he could not be out of Harare although he was available during those days for talks in Harare. The Zanu-PF team said they were not available during that period and therefore only an idiot can suggest that representatives of a party who were available out of the 15 days that we are talking about, were available except in respect of four of those days, you can then say they avoided the talks.
GONDA: So what is going to happen if you don’t meet the SADC mandated deadline? I understand it’s the 6th of … (interrupted)
NCUBE: There is no such thing. That is a creation of those who grandstand and who are masters of deception. There never was a SADC deadline. Those that want to believe there was, it is their problem, not mine. SADC provided a framework and said, and this is a decision of SADC and it has no deadline and I’ll summarise it to you.
GONDA: Before you summarise it to us, Morgan Tsvangirai, after the SADC Summit in Mozambique, he came out and told journalists that Robert Mugabe had been given a 30 day deadline, so are you saying he lied?
NCUBE: I’m not the spokesperson for MDC-T or for Morgan Tsvangirai, you are free to go and ask him…
GONDA: But you are saying there was no deadline.
NCUBE: There was no deadline and I don’t know whether he said that or he didn’t say that, I’m hearing it from you and as far as I’m concerned there wasn’t. My understanding and my party’s understanding of the SADC resolutions was that the parties must meet immediately and after 15 days, the facilitator will review the progress they have made and render such assistance as might be necessary to render. And after a further 15 days the facilitator shall report to the SADC chair on progress or lack of it and then the SADC might then consider what further assistance or what further action, if any, is required and in my vocabulary, those are not deadlines, that is a framework.
GONDA: The MDC-T has issued several statements and in most of the statements they’ve talked about a SADC deadline and I was actually going to ask you who pushed for the 15 to 30 day timeline?
NCUBE: First as I say I’m not a spokesperson of anybody except the party that I represent. As I understand it there was no deadline pushed for or the timeframe, which was pushed for by anyone. The Ministerial Report, the Foreign Ministerial Troika Report contained the provision relating to the 30 day period or 30 day framework, that was already in the Report to say that the parties must talk and SADC must then review within 30 days the progress thereof. What was then added on the floor of the Summit was the 15 day period and that 15 day period was proposed by President Zuma and accepted by everybody else who was present at the meeting.
GONDA: Right, and so President Zuma has actually appointed a new team tasked with evaluating the negotiation process, so in your view how significant is the shift in persons?
NCUBE: Previously the dialogue was facilitated by the South African President who was at that time President Mbeki and there’s a new President in South Africa and he’s facilitating the dialogue. In fact if there’s a team to evaluate, they never was a team before to evaluate. That’s a new development. Previously there was a facilitation team and this was not an evaluation team. This was a team, which basically chaired the dialogue among and between the parties. You had Reverend Chikane, you had then Minister Mufamadi you had Advocate Mojangu – these were the facilitation team, they sat with the negotiators, chaired the meeting when they were required to be chaired and then when we requested that we wanted to talk on our own without them being present we will tell them so. That is what used to happen and they were not an evaluation team. I have no idea what the terms of reference of the new team are.
GONDA: Finally Professor Ncube why are the talks being held in total secrecy because many people are saying obviously you cannot give all details but surely there has to be some kind of a brief, or the occasional press conference so that at least Zimbabweans know what is being discussed about their future?
NCUBE: Well I think Zimbabweans know what is being discussed. The contentious issues, the unresolved issues and the outstanding issues are known. What we have said we will not do is give a briefing of ‘we have an agreement on this, we are still negotiating on this’ because first there can be no agreement on one issue without an agreement on the others because all the parties have said while they may make a concession on item ”A”, that concession is valid only on the assumption that they will be able to get concessions on items “C” or “D”. Therefore without going through the entire agenda there is in fact no agreement on anything. So it is pointless to say you are announcing that we have an agreement on how to take the issue of sanctions when you have no agreement on how to take the issue of the rule of law because whatever concessions people are making on one issue might be conditional on the other issues being resolved, so it is pointless.
Secondly by its very nature, if you start to brief the media and to issue statements on the substance there will always be different points of emphasis which will only create contradictions and we might then end up negotiating what we have said in the media – is this correct, is this the best way of saying it – and it doesn’t help in our respectful view.
GONDA: I’m afraid we’ve run out of time and we have to end here but thank you very much for talking on the programme Hot Seat. That was Professor Welshman Ncube one of the negotiators from the MDC and the Minister of Industry and Commerce, thank you very much.
NCUBE: Thank you.

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Ministry of Education bid for US$ 1 billion allocation in 2010 budget

The Zimbabwean
By Paul Ndlovu
Monday, 30 November 2009

THE Ministry of Education Arts Sport and Culture is bidding for US $1 billion in next year’s national budget to improve the country’s education system which has been plagued by a myriad of problems.

The budget will be presented to Parliament in Harare by the Minister of Finance, Tendai Biti this week.
The Minister of Education, Arts, Sport and Culture Senator David Coltart, said his ministry needed the staggering US$1 billion because the services and infrastructure in most schools were in a chaotic condition.

He urged Minister Biti to give priority to the education sector in his budget.

Sen. Coltart said if allocated the money his ministry would use it in consolidating as well as improving the achievements it has scored so far.

“As I’m speaking we have already forwarded our expectations to the Finance Minister and we hope he will look into it with critically analysis of our sector which I feel has remained fragile for a certain period of time.

Therefore our expectations for this budget amounts to over a Billion United States dollars,” he said.
Senator Coltart said his ministry has been vigorously lobbying for the allocation of this money in the national budget.

Contacted for comment, Minister Biti said he could not reveal how much he allocated Sen Coltart’s ministry arguing that he did not want to pre-empty his presentation.

Sen. Coltart said if the Minister of Finance approved their bid, he was confident that they would make great strides in improving the education sector.

He said the sector under his guidance was slowly recovering pointing out that he had scored several achievements.

Sen. Coltart said since the formation of the Inclusive Government in February this year, a lot has been achieved pertaining improving education.

“I am quit confident to say that we have worked extremely hard to try and restore confidence in our schools by our people,” he said.

Sen. Coltart said amongst the things he had achieved was establishing mutual relations between the ministry, teachers and the unions.

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Zimsec’s Loss is Cambridge’s Gain

The Standard
By Vusumuzi Sifile
29th November 2009

THOUSANDS of “O” Level and “A” Level students have found solace in the more expensive Cambridge International Examinations (CIE) system after frustration with the perennial bungling by the Zimbabwe Schools Examinations Council (Zimsec). Almost all trust schools and private colleges have for a while been using Cambridge which charges US$40 for an “O”- Level subject and US$70 for an “A”- Level subject.

But the interest in Cambridge has spread to other students outside trust schools and private colleges prompting the British Council to open centres in Bulawayo, Mutare and Harare to conduct the examinations.

British Council director Rajiv Bendre on Friday said in the October/November examinations, more than 800 students sat for the examinations at the centres. “For the first time since the inception of the council in Zimbabwe, we are running the General Certificate of Education (GCE) exams for Cambridge. We are just trying to help,” Bendre said.

Joseph Fushayi, the Examinations Manager at the council said by offering Cambridge, they were “by no means undermining Zimsec”.

“All we are doing is just providing an alternative. For us the most important thing is affordability of the exams to ordinary Zimbabweans,” Fushayi said.

Bendre said they were exploring opportunities for initiating co-operation between Zimsec and Cambridge, which at some point positioned local exams among the best in Africa.

“When Zimsec was set up, there was lots of co-operation with Cambridge,” Bendre said.

“The thinking was that since Zimsec was experiencing challenges, Cambridge could come in with some technical assistance.

“On our part, we helped rejuvenate that relationship between Zimsec and Cambridge.

“In August we facilitated a visit to Zimsec by two officials from the CIE, and they came up with a list of needs for Zimsec, which were then discussed.”

This caused the current slump in the number of candidates who registered for local examinations, which started on Thursday.

While the understanding has for all along been that most students failed to raise enough money to pay Zimsec examination fees, it has since emerged that a significant number of them actually opted to take the CIE.

The CIE replaced the University of Cambridge Local Examinations Syndicate, which Zimbabwe used until the late 1990s.

“Most of them registered for Cambridge after uncertainty continued to shroud the Zimsec process,” said an official close to the operations of Zimsec.

“And when Zimsec started registering candidates, they were charging almost the same amounts as those institutions running Cambridge examinations, so many candidates did not see the use of writing through Zimsec.”

Over the last two weeks the chaos at Zimsec has been so glaring after officials failed to respond to questions on the examination process, raising concerns they were running out of options — and answers — to restore credibility to the public exam system.

The institution’s director Happy Ndanga’s mobile phone went unanswered.

Spokesperson Ezekiel Pasipamire was also not in a position to comment, saying he would “never talk to The Standard again”, without giving reasons.

He is still to respond to questions he requested to be faxed to him over a week ago.

But the Minister of Education, Senator David Coltart insisted the situation was under control, although a lot still needs to be done.

“We are not going to restore the credibility of Zimsec overnight, it’s a process,” he said.

“Next year, we will do a curriculum review, subject to money being available. We need to restore public confidence in Zimsec.”

Coltart said he did not see anything wrong with pupils opting for Cambridge examinations, saying it was just a sign parents were exercising their freedom of choice.

“I believe that parents should have freedom of choice.

“Those who want Cambridge and can afford to do so — they are free to do so.

“But those who cannot afford Cambridge should also have a good alternative,” Coltart said.

In September, the National Educational Advisory Board (NEAB) released a report that encouraged the government to “support the revamping of the Zimbabwe Schools Examinations Council urgently”.

Sources at Zimsec said at the moment the situation was so chaotic it was “impossible” for the process – which includes the setting, writing and marking of examinations – to be completed on time because of issues of remuneration for invigilators and markers, as well as logistical challenges like the availability of space and transport.

But Coltart was adamant on Friday that marking would be completed in January.

Last week he pleaded with teachers to donate their services as invigilators during the examinations.

Zimsec charges US$10 for an “O” — Level subject and US$20 for an “A” Level subject.

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