Zimbabwean

By Paul Ndlovu

19 January 2011

HARARE – The launch of Academies of Excellence might take longer than expected due to alleged financial constraints.

In November last year, the government identified 20 schools that were to be turned into Academies of Excellence starting from January this year. Each province had two schools chosen for the programme, which is expected to run from January 2011 until 2017. Eveline Girls High School and Milton Boys High Schools were chosen as Academies of Excellence in Bulawayo.

In Matabeleland South, the academy for boys will be at Plumtree High while JZ Moyo will house another group. In Matabeleland North, Binga Secondary and Fatima High will be co-education facilities with boys and girls. The same concept of co-education will apply in the Midlands, Masvingo, Mashonaland West, and Mashonaland Central and Mashonaland East provinces.

Harare will have boys at Churchill and girls at Girls High, with Manicaland having boys at Mutare Boys High and girls at Mutare Girls High schools. The programme has not yet started at the targeted schools in Bulawayo and Matabeleland North.

Eveline High School head, Rosemary Moyo, said the school was still waiting for the Government to fulfil its promise.

“The programme has not yet started, but we are waiting for the government to fulfil what it promised,” said Moyo. “The infrastructure in the school is dilapidated and we need money for rehabilitation. However, as a school we have started doing activities to try and revamp our facilities. For instance we have started painting the school. We are also glad that former Eveline pupils in the Diaspora are chipping in to assist us.”

Bulawayo provincial education director (PED), Dan Moyo, declined to comment and referred all questions to the Ministry of Education, Sport, Arts and Culture, Senator David Coltart.

“That is the Minister’s project, you can talk to him for finer details. What I can only say is that the programme has not started,” said Moyo.

The overall goal of the Academies of Excellence is to ensure rapid and sustainable recovery and development of the education system. The programme seeks to curtail loss of educational opportunities, especially among disadvantaged students.

Newsday

18 January 2011

By Khanyile Mlotshwa

The federalist-oriented Matabeleland-based opposition party, Patriotic Union of Matabeleland (Puma), has challenged the Ministry of Education to re-look at its teacher deployment policy to avoid a situation where teachers who could not speak local languages were deployed to teach infants in the region.

In an interview on Monday, the party’s president, Bancinyane Ndiweni, said it was important that the ministry deployed teachers who could speak Ndebele to primary schools in Bulawayo and other Matabeleland regions.

“Education is the pot where children are cooked,” Ndiweni said. “It is worrying that 75% of the teachers are not from the region and even colleges here are flooded with students from other areas.

“We have a problem in terms of the recruitment and deployment of teachers in our primary schools here in Bulawayo and other Matabeleland regions. They can’t speak IsiNdebele,”

Contacted for comment on the issue, the Bulawayo Provincial Education director Dan Moyo said he was unaware there were primary school teachers who could not speak Ndebele in charge of schools in the province.

During the constitutional reform exercise a lot of people in Matabeleland were concerned about the development of local languages, most of which are deemed minority languages.

They called for provisions in the constitution to protect them, together with their cultures, especially in school and in the media.

In the early years of independence, Kalanga and Tonga, which are regarded as minority languages, were taught up to Grade Three.

The ministry is currently working on improving that and has printed a number of textbooks in the languages for primary schools.

Education minister David Coltart has repeatedly expressed his ministry’s commitment to “minority” languages.

Ndiweni said Coltart should walk the talk even in the recruitment of teachers.

“Our children speak Ndebele as the first language and a teacher who understands and can speak that language will be very helpful in their development,” he said.

Over the years there has been increasing concern at the number of non-Ndebele speaking teachers in Matabeleland’s primary schools, a situation activists have said endangered the teaching of the language.

VOA

By Gibbs Dube

17 January 2011

Sources familiar with a ministry concept paper said the program was to be implemented in all schools next month and would be supervised by officials of the Youth Ministry and trained youth based at the ward level

Zimbabwe’s Ministry of Youth Development, Indigenization and Empowerment has circulated a proposal to introduce national service training to schools from pre-school university bringing liberation war veterans aboard as instructors, sources said.

Sources familiar with a concept paper drafted by the ministry said the program was to be implemented in all schools next month and would be supervised by officials of the Youth Ministry and trained youth based at the local ward level.

The sources said the ministry paper proposed to train at least 300,000 students from pre-school to university level each year. At the pre-school level, instruction would focus on the national flag and anthem, cultural dances and role-playing.

Pupils in primary school would focus on the nation’s liberation struggle, physical fitness and national development studies, according to the concept paper, sources said.

The ministry was keen to see liberation war veterans being integrated into the national program at all levels, the sources said.

But Education Minister David Coltart told VOA that such a program is unacceptable. “Any national service program has to start once a child completes school and therefore anything introduced before that will disrupt a child’s education,” said Coltart.

He said the Youth Ministry did not consult him in crafting the proposed national service training program and that thge Cabinet has not yet deliberated on the issue.

Former freedom fighter Max Mnkandla said the national youth program being mooted by ZANU-PF is designed to brainwash young Zimbabweans.

National Youth Development Trust Director Liberty Bhebhe said young people should not be engaged in paramilitary programs. “The youth service program is some kind of paramilitary exercise and we believe that it is structured in such a way that there is a high risk of indoctrination,” Bhebhe told VOA.

Youth Minister Saviour Kasukuwere could not be reached for comment.

The national service program is best known for its so-called Border Gezi training schools which turned out youth militia closely associated with ZANU-PF who have been accused of committing many atrocities during the turbulent 2008 elections.

Standard

16 January 2011

By Nqaba Matshazi

WHEN Barack Obama waltzed his way to the American presidency a little more than two years ago, it was regarded as a victory for internet social networks, where he had been quite prominent.

Minus the oratory, Obama made extensive use of social networking sites such as Facebook, Twitter and YouTube to get his message across.

At one time, his groundbreaking speech, “A more perfect union”, where he addressed racial differences in America, was one of the most viewed videos on video-sharing site YouTube.

Probably taking a cue, but on a lesser scale, a number of Zimbabwean politicians have taken to social networking in the hope of gaining an extra edge over their rivals.

With the growth of internet penetration and the advent of mobile internet access in Zimbabwe, observers maintain that social networking may one day define the next Zimbabwean leader.

As with the American situation, it is argued that there is a growth in the number of young voters who have regular access to social networking sites.

The country’s sole mobile service provider, Econet claims to have at least 400 000 subscribers on its broadband platform, while internet penetration, rated at more than 14% is said to be among the highest in Africa.

MDC politicians like David Coltart, Nelson Chamisa, Obert Gutu, Gorden Moyo, Welshman Ncube, Tendai Biti and Jameson Timba are among a host of politicians with Facebook pages, while Prime Minister, Morgan Tsvangirai has a fan page.

From Zanu PF, Tourism and Hospitality Industry minister Walter Mzembi and Youth Development, Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment minister Saviour Kasukuwere are the only ones who maintain regular presence on the world’s largest social networking site.

Ncube and Coltart are the only politicians who regularly post comments on Twitter, while a number of videos have been posted on YouTube.

Renowned Zimbabwean blogger, Chris Kabwato reckons that social networking is a great avenue for politicians, considering the number of people who have access to the internet.

“They are an educated lower to middle class urban population,” he said of the demographics of people who have access to the internet.

This is a group who influence the main ideas in society.”

While acknowledging the power of social networks, Kabwato advised that an online strategy could not supplant the strategy of mobilising people through rallies and other media.

“You need to use a strategy that uses all forms of media from word-of-mouth to print,” he said.

But Thamu Dube, a social media trends analyst, begged to differ, arguing that despite the popularity of social networking sites their worth as an electoral strategy was still distant.

“The level of internet penetration is not just the issue, there is also the issue of slow user adoption as most people do not see the benefits of the use of social networks,” he argued.

“So the dual effect of the lack of a reliable internet infrastructure and a small user footprint on the greater social networking landscape by Zimbabweans impacts greatly on the effectiveness of the politicians’ presence on their chosen platform.”

Amanda Atwood, who runs popular website Kubatana concurred, saying any internet-using communication tactic in Zimbabwe had to be measured within the context of Zimbabweans’ limited internet access.

“It is essential that you look at a communications strategy holistically, so if you are talking about how Zimbabwean politicians use social networking tools, you also have to ask how they are using other ICTs, and also traditional media, to communicate with their constituents,” she said.

On the other hand the analysts observed that the presence of Zimbabweans on Facebook, for example, may be deceptive in the sense that most of them were in the Diaspora and when it came to elections might not have a say in the final result.

But Dube was optimistic, saying that it was not a lost cause and advised ambitious politicians to continue using the platforms, as this strategy would bear fruit in the future.

“Used as a part of a well planned strategy of engagement, politicians can for instance use a social network site like Facebook as a point of contact by publicising it through traditional methods of information,” he said.

Dube noted that Diaspora was a severely fragmented environment whose interests were not homogenous, whereas the local population of internet users could easily be targeted.

Kabwato said Zimbabwe’s internet infrastructure was growing and with people now being able to access Twitter and Facebook on their mobile phones, social networking will prove to have a priceless contribution in Zimbabwean politics.

“So social networking by any politician is not in vain as long as that person has a clear communication strategy,” he said.

Atwood added that it was important for Zimbabwean politicians to recognise the importance of communication, with the internet audience being a key constituency, as it was well resourced.

“Politicians could take advantage of these more resourced constituents and leverage them to be volunteers, influence shapers or opinion makers in their campaigns,” she said.

“But to do so they first have to stop seeing Zimbabweans as voters and start seeing them as the people who employ them.

“They need to start valuing individual opinions, energy, contributions, feedback and time.”

Ever so optimistic about the intrinsic value of the social networking in Zimbabwe, Dube said the work done by the government and the private sector in creating a robust telecommunications infrastructure will be telling for future generations.

“Political strategists will become aware of the need to shift emphasis to energising and engaging an increasingly younger electorate through these technologies,” he said.

The social media analyst advised that the secret of the success of social networking, however, lies in understanding its place in people’s lives and applying discretion in its use,  especially for politicians where they might run the risk of appearing to ‘try too hard’.

Zimbabwean

Written by Students Solidarity Trust

Friday, 14 January 2011

A tussle pitting the Minister of higher education DR Stan Mudenge (Pictured) and Minister of finance Tendai Biti has ensued over the latter’s decision to reintroduce the grants and loans scheme. Announcing the 2011 budget on November 25, Minister Biti said that government in conjunction with the Zimbabwe Allied Banking Group ZABG was reintroducing the grants and loans. Government would put in 15 million dollars whilst the bank was to chip in with an equivalent amount. This means that under Minister Biti’s plan, students were going to have 30 million dollars for loans and grants in 2011.

However, expressions of disquiet have been coming from the ministry of higher education. First, it was the permanent secretary in the ministry, Dr Washington Mbizvo who regretted the lack of consultation by the minister of finance before coming up with his figures. Testifying to the parliamentary committee on Higher Education, Science and Technology he said that the money was not enough and there was already a deficit from the current cadetship scheme of 13 million dollars. He therefore suggested that if the 15 million was to come from government, it would first cover the deficit before anything else. His boss Dr Stan Mudenge echoed the same sentiments at a graduation ceremony also accusing the minister of finance for not consulting before the minister announced his budget. For Dr Mudenge, the ministry requires 100 million dollars for tuition only without even factoring in accommodation.

On February 13, the government of national unity commemorates its second year and for students, the last two years have not been good at all. The discord and lack of rapport from the two ministries only exposes students and puts them in a hard position. The Students Solidarity Trust notes with sadness the failure by government to rectify the problems bedevilling the higher education ministry and the lack of initiatives by the ministry officials to alleviate the plight of students. Faced by a similar plight the Minister of Education, Sports, Arts and Culture, Senator David Coltart came up with the idea of an Education Transition Fund that has up to date raised more than 50 million dollars. Although Senator Coltart still faces an uphill task in resuscitating his ministry and returning it to its former glory, tangible and visible efforts are being seen. In contrast, Mnister Mudenge has been absent, silent and curt to Minister Biti yet his ministry has not been active in alleviating the plight of students.

The cadetship scheme has left students in a far worse condition due to the strict conditionalities attached to it. Reports of students also being unable to access the facility abound with several students coming to the SST for assistance alleging that they have not been able to access funds from the scheme. Government through Mudenge’s Ministry should urgently look at ways to alleviate the plight of the students. An educated nation is a prosperous nation and more resources, coherence and attention should be dedicated to this endeavour.

Zimbabwe Independent

14 January 2011

Paidamoyo Muzulu

LOVE him or hate him, Welshman Ncube is an astute and shrewd boardroom planner whose ascendancy to the throne of his MDC faction uncontested at the party’s third   congress last week proves that and more.

His machinations in overcoming a potential split in the party on the eve of the congress proved his tactical prowess.

When everything else looked so routine with barely 24 hours to the congress — which would transform him from kingmaker to king — disgruntled party members led by party chairman Joubert Mudzumwe attempted a palace putsch.

Mudzumwe and cohorts held a press conference on Friday “calling off” the congress until after issues they raised in a petition sent to Ncube, then secretary-general, were satisfactorily solved. It was a gamble. Welshman remained cool and acted decisively, thanks to Arthur Mutambara’s “support”.

The plotters raised issues surrounding what they termed the failure by Ncube to hold an annual national conference, or cause the party’s finances to be audited and the opaque manner in which disciplinary issues were handled in the party.

Ncube brushed them aside — as a bunch of frustrated leaders who had failed to gain any nominations for senior party position at the 3rd congress.

Mutambara played the “statesman card” and stayed above the fray while Ncube had a free run to the top.

Since the October 2005 split from the Morgan Tsvangirai-led MDC faction, Ncube has steadily built up his profile within the party and nation.

Ncube used his position as the party’s chief negotiator of the Global Political Agreement and the resultant position of minister to build his profile and access the majority of the party members nationally. His party position then as secretary-general, made it easier for him to plan his next big move without much consultation with those likely to oppose his rise to the top.

As the congress drew closer, Ncube had all the influential men and women in the party in his camp. He had Priscilla Misihairambwi-Mushonga, Edwin Mushoriwa, Goodrich Chimbaira, Miriam Mushayi, Moses Mzila-Ndlovu, Paul Themba-Nyathi and David Coltart, the party’s bigwigs, in his corner.

Mutambara, another strategist par excellence albeit with little political experience, read the writing on the wall. He knew it was time to leave. A strategist knows when to fight and when to walk away and fight another day. The numbers were with Ncube and any fight would have been futile.

Once his plan was set, Ncube realised he had limited positions to give to his supporters and creatively suggested amendments to the party’s constitution to create more portfolios. The party passed the resolution to create six new portfolios and a council of elders for the party. The game was over.

Miriam Mushayi, the new director of planning and implementation, confirmed as much when she said: “We solved the problems amicably and resolved to get positions by consensus. That is why people agreed not to contest each other.”

To that end, there was no contest for the seven party top positions namely, president, deputy president, chairman, deputy chairman, secretary-general, deputy secretary-general, treasurer-general and the deputy treasurer-general.

Ncube’s acceptance speech was couched in the language of a visionary national leader. He thanked his predecessor Mutambara for the way he had led the party and his influence and role in the inclusive government and the party’s support for him to land the presidency before promising to stay the course Mutambara had set for the party.

To Mutambara and more importantly to himself, he said: “Take heart from the abuse you have taken from our enemies, the media who abuse you, in that there is a great deal of truth in the words of Winston Churchill: — ‘The true measure of leadership is the animosity among your enemies to you’”.

What remains to be seen is how well he holds on to the power he has secured.

Financial Gazette

Njabulo Ncube, Assistant Editor

13 January 2011

ENTER Mutambara . . . exit Mutambara. That is the astounding tale of a typically short political history that Arthur Mutambara had as leader of the smaller faction of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) otherwise known as the MDC-M.
His entrance was as dramatic as his exit. After the party’s congress of January 8 to 9, 2011 it is imperative to look at the transpirations in the party and the possible capacity in the new leadership to steer it as an effective democracy-seeking institution.
The coming in of  Mutambara in 2007 to lead the party was somehow thespian though we never really questioned the political motive behind such grandiosity. The nature of African politics has always had a streamlined context, which is defined by the grassroots. Africa’s political terrain is graced by the inevitable need to inculcate the preferences of the grassroots if any party or entity is to be of any substance and relevance.
Mutambara should have sensed that any meteoric rise to leadership without any transmission or reference from the grassroots is both superficial and Machiavellian. In the circumstances that led to his rise, Welshman Ncube, his secretary-general then was at the centre of the transaction.
Being so, Mutambara should have also realised that the days of “king-makers” in African politics are quickly expiring. The real and sustainable “king-makers” are the toiling grassroots of the party and their extended functionaries thereof.
No matter how brilliant one is, that endorsement by the grassroots is critical for ascendancy. Individuals never make sustainable democratic centres rather they are the temptation upon which dictatorships always evolve out of.
The irony today in the MDC-M is that the “king-maker” who was in 2006 has now become the “king” himself.
There is a pinch of suspicion that Mutambara was just a stop-gap measure in the unfolding theatre of leadership conception in the party. Many still wonder if Ncube never had any flirtation with the possibility of landing the presidency of the party after the iniquitous split of the mainstream MDC in 2005.
If so could it then have been nonstrategic to immediately pounce on the position given that the emergent split had been blamed on Ncube’s perceived craving for power?
The proponents for this conviction therefore view Mutambara’s rise to presidency as a meticulously calculated move intended to divert attention from the immediate power desires of Ncube. In that regard, Mutambara was to be the pawn that would stop-gap while the real power conveyance would be given time to maturate away from the suspicion of the watching eyes.
Ncube’s desire for the presidency, which he only openly expressed two months before Sunday’s City Sport Centre congress is therefore seen by many to have been harboured since the split of 2005, that is, if it wasn’t the motive behind the intention of the said split. There are just too many political permutations around the MDC-M trajectory.
One certain thing, however, has been the pungency for self-disintegration in the MDC-M.
Immediately after the two MDC parties had split in 2005, the MDC-M portion was faced with some defections to the MDC-T. The likes of Gift Chimanikire who had actually been one of the centres of the split turned back and joined the MDC-T. This was then followed up in 2009 by the topical Job Sikhala splinter that subsequently resulted in the formation of yet another MDC shade; the MDC 99.
In fact behind that split was the suspension of a legion of MDC-M leaders including Abedinico Bhebhe, Njabuliso Mguni, Sikhala, Nor-man Mpofu, Alex Goosen and Gift Nyandoro.
In the run-up to the January 2011 congress yet another split transpired with the national chairman Joubert Mu-dzumwe leading a mutiny against the congress that elevated Ncube into presidency. Others who joined him were Morgan Chan-gamire, Tsitsi Danga-rembga and Nom-alanga Ncube. There was also the glaring non attendance by some senior MDC-M officials such as David Coltart and Trudy Stevenson at the 2011 congress over the weekend.
Though they may have had various reasons for not attending the congress, it is the compounded perception that critically shifts indications away from normalcy.
Communication from MDC-M had earlier hinted at a crowd of about 5 000 at the congress only for just about     1 000 to attend. Could this shrinkage be an indication of the internal bickering in the party or is it mere followership deficiency? There is just too much porous ground in the MDC-M and this needs to be riveted if any formidable results are to be obtained in the future.
As Ncube takes over the reins, it is the desire of any democracy-embracing Zimbabwean that there be an increase in vibrant and robust political parties in the country.
This is necessary for multi-party democracy. However, in that regard there are some pointers that the party needs to learn from its short but incident-filled history. Firstly, Ncube must not be tempted to create himself into a political circumstance that then becomes the lifeblood of the party.
For some time there has been that sublime and at times remote hand of Ncube in many of the party’s activities, decisions, policies and positions.
Rather than the institutionalisation of the party’s entity there has been its personification around his individuality. The party must also build a grass roots base upon which all foundational substance originate from. The theatrics of leadership by invitation must never again be intimated even if it is for the sake of whatever strategy.
There is a desperate need for the party to have an identified and mature political ideology. Zimbabweans are tired of parties that are solely founded and then die on the “remove-Mugabe” ideology without a knack for the Afro-centric developmental capacity that our battered nation so desires.
Zimbabwe will be a better democracy only if parties like MDC-M are able to find their potency and develop into formidable and punch-absorbing democratic parties. The current and future landscape of our politics require democratic alternatives and the more varied the choices people have the more enhanced our democracy becomes.
For Arthur Mutambara, we offer words of encouragement.
You may have come into a political fray that was as cruel as much as it was opportunistic. Your future in politics is not done our dear brother as long as the lessons you have learnt are taken seriously.
The Zimbabwe that we are building for the future will definitely require your intellect, courage, pan African spirit, professionalism, commitment and your orientation for results.
But for now let the political terrain preserve you until maturity.

Zimbabwean

By Paul Ndlovu

Wednesday, 12 January 2011

BULAWAYO – The government freeze on recruitment of civil servants in various ministries will persist this year.

This comes amid reports that the freeze was denting the education delivery system through the hiring of cheap labour in the form of temporary teachers, expected to begin this week. (Pictured: David Coltart)

The continued freeze also comes against a background of a critical shortage of nurses in the country’s big hospitals and clinics in remote areas.

Ministry of Public Service Deputy Minister, Andrew Langa, said the government was working on a limited budget, hence the need to continue with the freeze.

“The government’s position is clear. We are working on a very limited budget that does not allow us to recruit as we may want in any sector. We have been struggling to pay civil servants,” he said.

He said his ministry was aware of the effects of the freeze in various critical sectors.

“We are aware of the effects of the recruitment freeze. Some clinics and hospitals have a shortage of nurses while schools have always been facing the same predicament and we are working to rectify that. Government will continue to employ in all the critical areas such as that of health. We are engaging the services of temporary teachers at the beginning of the schools’ first term as we seek to increase staff compliment in the country’s schools,” he added.

Langa reiterated that budgetary constraints were the main reason why the government had effected the freeze on recruitment as the available resources were not enough to sustain the salary bill.

Education Sport, Arts and Culture Minister Senator David Coltart said although the freeze’s effects were once strongly felt in the education sector they were relieved after they were allowed to engage teachers although there were areas that still needed staff compliment.

“The freeze’s effects were once felt in the education sector, but last year the ministry managed to engage a total of 15 000 teachers countrywide. So as we speak the freeze now has limited effects, although there are areas that still need attention especially in rural areas,” he said.

He however could not be drawn into giving the number of qualified teachers that are required in schools amid confirmed reports that the country was labouring under heavy shortage of Mathematics and Science teachers.

The Minister of Health and Child Welfare, Henry Madzorera, confirmed that there were some clinics and hospitals with a shortage of nurses.

He however said the shortage was not only linked to the freeze but to lack of motivation, with nurses reluctant to go and work in remote areas with some of them preferring to leave the country.

“The issue is not that there are no nurses in the country but they are reluctant to be deployed to certain areas and the headache remains with us on how we can get them to go and work there with the limited resources that we have. We have new clinics and hospitals that have been constructed and need staff, so the need for us to apply was just inevitable. We have not yet got the response from the relevant ministries though,” said Madzorera.

VOA

By Peta Thornycroft

January 10, 2011

When Zimbabwe schools re-open Tuesday, younger scholars will find they have text books for the first time in many years.  A record 13 million text books are being delivered to Zimbabwe’s primary schools.

Education minister David Coltart said the massive text-book order, a record for Zimbabwe, was made possible by donations, mainly from Scandinavian countries and Germany.  The contract for printing the books was carried out in Zimbabwe and South Africa.

Coltart said in 2011 he will invite along with Unicef tenders for text books for six core subjects in secondary schools.  He says the books will be distributed in the course of 2011.

There are more than 7,000 schools in Zimbabwe, and Coltart says many of them have dilapidated infrastructure.  He praised Finance Minister Tendai Biti who awarded the education sector 24 percent of the recent national budget, the highest percentage for any sector.

Biti is a member of the Movement for Democratic Change.  Coltart is a member of the smaller MDC faction.  The education minister said his ministry received $469-million, with $432-million for salaries, leaving little to repair schools or provide teaching materials.

Since the inclusive government came to power nearly two years ago, Coltart said the education ministry has rehired 15,000 teachers.

Zimbabwe used to have one of the best education sectors in Africa.  Last year the United Nations said Zimbabwe had a 96-percent literacy rate, a statistic questioned by Coltart.

Zimbabwe’s renowned former education minister Fay Chung says the literacy rate will only be accurately measured in a few years time and will reflect the collapse of education in the past decade. “Literacy is something that measures the past, because you are looking at people who left school four of five years ago,” Chung said. “It does not measure the exact present.”

Coltart is in the United Kingdom meeting key British ministers.  He said that Britain wants to assist Zimbabwe’s children, but needs reassurance that any funds donated to the education sector would not be diverted to youth militias or other organizations that promote tyranny.

Standard

9 January 2011

Professor Arthur Mutambara has been booted out of the MDC leadership and as was expected Professor Welshman Ncube has been voted in as the president of the smaller formation of the MDC at the party’s congress yesterday.

Ncube’s ascendency had been widely expected following a flurry of nominations and former party leader, Deputy Prime Minister Mutambara’s decision to pull out of the race.

Addressing delegates Mutambara said the party deserved more credit than it was getting as it was virtually the one that had held the inclusive government together when it was faced with collapse.

Despite losing his presidency, Mutambara said he would work harder than anyone to hold the party together.

“Even without a position, I will be a soldier in the party,” he said.

“We must work hard to maintain this very important party.”

Mutambara, who sat next to Ncube throughout the first day of the two day congress, acknowledged receiving a petition from some party members, saying their concerns must be addressed and must not be allowed to divide the party.

The petition was drawn up by party members led by outgoing national chairman, Joubert Mudzumwe.

Mudzumwe led an ill-fated rebellion that called for Mutambara to remain as party president, while deputy speaker of parliament, Nomalanga Khumalo was to be the deputy.

Khumalo did not attend the congress, which was reportedly attended by 4 250 delegates, with some party members claiming that she was on the verge of defecting to the formation led by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai.

Mudzumwe had banked on Mutambara not attending congress and in the process lend credence to his claims that the congress was unconstitutional and illegitimate.

In his speech Mutambara praised his party for being the only one in Zimbabwe to have a transparent change of leadership.

“Before the national council met (last December), I said I was not standing for any position because I believe in leadership renewal and it is good for our party democracy,” he said to a standing ovation.

As The Standard reported last July, the congress adopted a raft of constitutional changes, mainly the setting up of a Council of Elders and changing of the party’s colours to green.

However, a call to change the party’s name to Movement for Democratic Change Congress was shot down by delegates at the congress.

Party spokesman, Edwin Mushoriwa was elected deputy president, after Frank Chamunorwa pulled out of the contest.

Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga stepped into the secretary-generals post, while Moses Mzila Ndlovu will be her deputy.

There were no surprises in the elections, with Paul Themba Nyathi ascending to the treasurer general’s position while Theresa Marimazhira became his deputy.

Goodrich Chimbaira will take over Mudzumwe’s position as national chairman.

Frank Chamunorwa, who declined nomination for the chairmanship was eventually voted in as the deputy chairman.

Miriam Mushayi was deployed as the director of planning, strategy and implementation, a newly created position.

Elections for the youth and women’s assemblies were still to be held at the time of going to print.

The party’s newly elected national council is expected to meet after the end of the congress today.

Sources revealed that Mutambara was likely to be appointed to one of  the non-electable positions when the council meets.

“That was a great and unifying speech that Mutambara gave and we certainly still need him in the party,” a source said.

As reported last week, David Coltart is expected to be chosen as the secretary for legal affairs when the national council meets.