Sunday Mail

10 December 2011 

The Government has denied reports it intends to dismiss the over 1 000 teachers who were given a reprieve after migrating to greener pastures.

This comes after teacher representatives indicated Government was moving to fire the teachers who had sought employment in neighbouring countries since 2000.

The Government employees migrated alongside other professionals at the height of Zimbabwe’s economic downturn. The multi-currency system introduced in 2009 stabilised the economy and, thereafter, saw them trooping back home.

In an interview last week, Public Service Deputy Minister Cde Andrew Langa said the country still faces a shortage of teachers and needs to recruit more to fill vacant posts, especially in rural schools.

“We are not aware of such developments (to fire the rehired teachers). What I can tell you is that the country has a critical shortage of qualified teachers. Government needs to recruit more staff to fill the gaps,” he said. Education, Sport, Arts and Culture Minister Senator David Coltart concurred, saying there was need to train more teachers. However, Zimbabwe Teachers’ Association president Mrs Tendai Chikowore maintained some members received dismissal notices on the grounds that they were re-engaged unprocedurally.

“How can they (the ministers) say there is no such thing when our members have received notices? They should check with their offices to get the true picture.

Progressive Teachers’ Union of Zimbabwe secretary-general Mr Raymond Majongwe confirmed receiving reports that some members got dismissal letters.

He said there was confusion over the issue.

“A lot of teachers are receiving dismissals from their respective district offices. We have been trying to get in touch with the relevant ministers over the issue, but nobody wants to be fingered as the culprit behind this chaos. It is very sad given that these teachers came back after an invitation from Government. The authorities should take this issue seriously,” he said.

At present, Zimbabwe employs about 97 000 teachers against a demand of 111 000.

Southern Africa Report

9 December 2011

The massive bias of departmental budgetary allocations towards ministries controlled by ministers from President Robert Mugabe’s Zanu-PF continues in Zimbabwe’s 2012 budget, passed by Parliament this week (7 December 2011).

The bias makes further conflict within the immobilised three-party government throughout the next 12 months inevitable, further eroding the prospects of achieving the conditions set down by SADC – and agreed by the mutually antagonistic three governing parties – for free and fair elections.

The budgetary distortions undermine the capacity of the service-delivery ministries, predominantly controlled by ministers from Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai’s MDC. Ironically, they are contained in a budget presented to Parliament by MDC Finance Minister Tendai Biti.

The problem is massively compounded both by the wish-list character of Zimbabwe’s budgetary process and the dominance of Mugabe loyalists in the upper ranks of the civil service. Harare’s Zanu-PF civil service mandarins ensure that Zanu-PF ministries receive significantly higher actual allocations than do ministries controlled by MDC Ministers (see table 2011: Budget – actual payments and 2012 budget highlights).

Nor is it helped by the massive 63% of the budget going to a bloated, and generally under-performing, civil service – for 2012 public sector wages grab 63% of the US$4-billion (R32-billion) budget.

In 2011 Zanu-PF ministries consistently received more than 50% of their non-salary budget allocations. MDC Ministers had to make do with less than half their non-salary allocations – some as low as 22%.

The first of the problems is the continued appetite among Harare’s budgetary planners for heavy security sector, and particularly military, spending. Objectively Zimbabwe faces no regional or international threat – despite Zanu-PF’s attempts to portray former Rhodesians (backed by demonic Western governments) as a clear and present danger. The reality is that those still surviving pose a threat only as far as their Zimmer frames can reach. In 2011, actual defence spending was greater than health and education combined. In 2012, with a 58% in defence’s budget allocation, senior civil servants can be counted on to ensure the gap widens.

The same is true of the Zimbabwe Republic Police, also enjoying a massive budgetary boost. Zanu-PF jealously guards control over the police, which fall under the Department of Home Affairs. MDC Co-Minister Theresa Makone has been physically prevented from playing any role with the police or immigration since her appointment. The commissioner general of police, Zanu-PF hardliner Augustine Chihuri, will not allow her into his office, will not answer her mobile calls, and will not let her make any suggestions at any meetings he attends. She can make no headway with immigration matters either. She can do nothing whatsoever, nor make any contribution to the home affairs ministry.

MDC Deputy Justice Minister Obert Gutu is the only MDC Cabinent Minister to have spoken out on the obstacles placed in his way: writing for a Zimbabwe publication, he says he can play no role in the portfolio, sits at a desk without any documents to peruse, has no duties to perform, and has no possibility of performing any functions in the ministry.

Although the MDC controls Finance, it has been unable to redress this imbalance.

The second – but arguably more pervasive – obstacle is that of the entrenched Zanu-PF civil service mandarins. After opening the way for the “inclusive government” by signing the poorly drafted memorandum of understanding with the MDC in July 2008, Mugabe ensured he kept control of the civil service.

Once he had signed the Global Political Agreement (GPA) two months later, Mugabe immediately began making senior appointments in violation of the GPA, which requires all senior civil service jobs must be filled with Tsvangirai’s “consent”. Mugabe filled every vacancy he could: judges, permanent secretaries, provincial governors, army bosses, diplomats, the lot.

Tsvangirai protested loudly but did little else – hampered initially by antagonism from President Thabo Mbeki’s SADC-endorsed facilitation team, and subsequently by the delays imposed by the Mbeki team failure to provide any handover reports on the complex and byzantine Zimbabwean political process to President Jacob Zuma’s incoming team.

By the time the Pretoria team, with presidential International Affairs Adviser Lindiwe Zulu on point, had got its hands on the issues, Mugabe’s illegal and unilateral appointments had been entrenched for three years, and the MDC had other, more substantial, problems to address.

The key MDC delivery ministries, education and health, have nevertheless made visible progress in undoing the damage wrought by two decades of solo Zanu-PF rule.

There are more than 7 000 state schools. More than 90% were closed, or abandoned, or open but without learning or teaching, when the inclusive government was sworn in to power.

The non-salary budget allocation of US$66-million (of which US$14,2-million was actually disbursed by Biti), was to be used for minimal school maintenance and rebuilds of a few of the most devastated schools, particularly ablution facilities, science equipment, and curriculum development.

There were no textbooks available in most schools at the end of Zanu-PF’s rule which ended when the inclusive government was sworn into power in February 2009. Western donors paid for a massive distribution of new textbooks in 2010 and 2011.

The health sector, slightly less damaged by Mugabe’s hyperinflation, and with more to play with – US$48-million of a theoretical US$132-million – has fared better. In the past month foreign donors have underwritten free healthcare for pregnant women and children under five.

The security ministries, by contrast, are able to draw down up to 83% of their already-significant allocations, as does Mugabe’s office, which in 2011 also actually received more than health and education combined. The US$79-million he received does not include the massive cost of the Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO). The CIO is run directly from the presidency on a budget over which Parliament exercises no oversight.

His 2011 allocation finances the minimal costs for the Cabinet office, vehicles for 38 members of the Cabinet, and tip-offs for a vast network of informers, and Mugabe’s own huge travel costs for 2011 which ran to about half of the US$45-million spent on travel by government officials.

Mugabe made eight trips to Singapore in 2011, was the only head of state at the UN’s youth summit in New York mid-year, attends each and every meeting to which he is invited or is available to him as head of state around the world and in the region, and usually travels with a contingent of between 30-60 officials, all drawing down handsome per diems from the Treasury (up to US$1 500 a day). Mugabe himself takes US$10 000 a day.

Another key Zanu-PF controlled ministry is Justice. Its non-salary actuals for 2011 – US$32-million – was higher than that for education. This ministry plays a key role in Zanu-PF’s unremitting assault on the MDC, spending freely to generate criminal charges with no possibility of conviction. Hundreds of MDC-M’s officials and members are charged each year with a wide range of largely petty offences. None of the charges so far in 2011 have been successfully prosecuted.

It is also necessary for Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa to keep his crew of largely-incompetent and partisan judges of the higher courts satisfied, even though the Supreme Court in particular has set some kind of regional record for its failure to deliver judgments – some remain pending for more than three years.

A smaller-scale scandal is the amount spent by the prime minister’s office, excluding salaries. Tsvangirai’s office received US$10,6-million for himself, and deputy prime ministers Thoko Khupe and Arthur Mutambara.

Travel by the three, particularly Mutambara, gobbled up a significant part of the 2011 budget. The PM office is a post-GPA cost centre, and therefore inherited no Zanu-PF bureaucrats. This explains the far higher percentage of actual funding, compared to established ministries like health and education with their hordes of Zanu-PF bureaucrats.

Despite the absence of Zanu-PF mandarins, the PM’s office is among the most disorganised in Harare. Among its routine functions is a weekly Council of Ministers’ meeting, chaired by Tsvangirai. These meetings, formally recognised in the GPA and scheduled every Thursday, are intended to offset Mugabe’s Tuesday Cabinet meetings. Just eight have actually taken place this year. Tsvangirai’s own MDC ministers no longer bother to turn up on Tuesdays.

Biti runs a cash economy from tax collections and regularly a proportion of disbursements cannot be paid on demand. The Treasury is regularly short of cash and so regular drawdowns are sometimes partial, sometimes delayed.

He also inherited a clutch of Zanu-PF bureaucrats. Observers say Biti is clearly nervous to delay or refuse claims from Zanu-PF security ministers. MDC social ministers suffer in consequence, catching the short end of the pay-out stick.

In September at a small rally in Harare Biti frankly acknowledged that participation of his ministry in the inclusive administration had shown him that implementation of policies depended on bureaucrats, and that the MDC had not understood the power of this Zanu-PF bloc before entering the inclusive government.

Some failure to access revenue is caused by obstruction from Zanu-PF bureaucrats, and some from chronic lack of capacity, particularly at provincial levels, to put in claims and adhere to processes.

The health and education sectors in particular have made the most dramatic and visible recovery in the aftermath of the pre-2009 Zanu-PF disaster.

The public was anxious for these two sectors to recover quickly. They did, to a point.

Schools and clinics reopened. Both ministers have attracted significant donor support and Education Minister David Coltart, in particular, has injected enormous energy into not only getting the schools back, but has embarked on several key new policies – which he can’t get implemented through lack of access to allocated funds.

Education and Health’s battle to secure the funds allocated also appears to be part of a conscious Zanu-PF election strategy: Zanu-PF cannot afford to allow health and education to do well for the MDC.

Zimbabwe Independent

By Dzikamai Bere

8 December 2011

Societies emerging from a legacy of massive human rights violations are torn between fear and hope.  What must be done with the ugly past?  Should it be confronted, or should it be buried forever? This is the challenge that confronts Zimbabwe’s coalition government as it prepares for the next election. Is Zimbabwe ready to confront the question of truth? The Standard of May 1 reported that President Robert Mugabe had “pledged” to set up a team to look into Gukurahundi (Midlands and Matabeleland atrocities) and map the way forward.  This is yet to happen.

Gukurahundi still stands out as the worst of the many atrocities committed by the government or people acting with its blessings in independent Zimbabwe.  There have been many discussions around Gukurahundi and other atrocities in Zimbabwe.

In March 2010, Zanu PF MPs walked out of parliament after their colleagues from the MDC-T proposed an investigation into the Matabeleland atrocities.  In the same month, the Zimbabwe Republic Police in Bulawayo shut down an exhibition on Gukurahundi by artist Owen Maseko. Maseko was arrested and spent the weekend in cells. In November 2010, war veterans’ leader Joseph Chinotimba demanded that minister David Coltart apologises for calling Gukurahundi“genocide”.

Zimbabwe’s coalition government is mandated to ensure democratisation and economic stability.  One of the things that have occupied the thoughts of the Zimbabwean people is the need to recover the truth of what happened in our past as a way of building sustainable peace.

The intellectual discourse is flooded with theories on dealing with the past. In February 2009, the Organ on National Healing, Reconciliation and Integration was formed with the mandate to advice government properly on how to deal with the past.  The Organ has remained largely unknown to its constituency, ignorant of its mandate and its ministers discordant in matters of policy regarding national healing.

Civil society has tried to fill in the gap.

The Law Society of Zimbabwe (LSZ) as part of its contribution to the constitution-making process in Zimbabwe produced its model constitution towards the end of 2010.  In this model, LSZ addresses the issue of truth and suggests the creation of a commission to recover the truth and facilitate reconciliation.

In August 2011, the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum published the findings of a nationwide survey on transitional justice. According to the report, 83% of the respondents believe that victims of political violence should be rehabilitated through counselling, reparations, prosecution of perpetrators, truth recovery and apologies from the perpetrators. In short, the people are saying, “Let’s deal with it!”

Many sectors have made similar recommendations both locally and internationally.  The government has responded by accusing those pushing for truth recovery of trying to turn back the clock or “opening old wounds”.  Is it? Maybe.

Archbishop Desmond Tutu, Chairperson of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), writes in the foreword to the TRC Report:
“However painful the experience, the wounds of the past must not be allowed to fester. They must be opened. They must be cleansed. And balm must be poured on them so they can heal.

This is not to be obsessed with the past. It is to take care that the past is properly dealt with for the sake of the future.”
There are no illusions about the achievements of the South African TRC or any other truth commission.  Since the formation of the first truth commission in Uganda in 1974, over 45 truth commissions have been instituted the world over in an attempt to recover the truth and foster reconciliation.  There are thousands of disillusioned victims who have no kind words for these commissions.  However, the achievements cannot be ignored. Their failures are nowhere outside the realms of humanity.

What we can learn from all these efforts at recovering the truth, especially from our southern neighbours, is that there are times in the history of a society when men and women have to be brave enough to confront the question of truth, truthfully.  It takes courage and determination; and that was the magic of Nelson Mandela. He confronted it.

Since the 1990s, there seem to have been an explosion of the search for truth.  Individuals and societies hunger for truth. The world has moved along this overwhelming demand for truth. The generations are anxious.  It is part of the global transition from repression towards more accountable and transparent governance. This world movement is difficult to ignore.

On March 24 2011, the Secretary General of the United Nations Ban Ki-moon launched the International Day for the Right to the Truth of Victims of Gross Human Rights Violations and for the Dignity of Victims.  On September 29 2011, the UN Human Rights Council passed a resolution (A/HRC/18/L22) providing for the appointment of the Special Rapporteur on the promotion of truth, justice, reparation and guarantees of non-recurrence.  Truth commissions have been set up in Brazil, Sri-Lanka, and the Ivory Coast, to mention but a few. In the process, international law is taking the same complexion, international and regional courts are becoming less tolerant of those who block the rights of victims to know the truth.

The impact of truth commissions is much more than recovering a record of the past and making recommendations.  It is a recovery of humanity itself by allowing societies to reflect collectively on the choices they made in the past.  It is retracing our memory to find out where exactly we lost our soul.  Commissions are facilitating participation of societies in governance in a more consultative, engaging and transparent manner.  Democracy is evolving rapidly. It is not just about open debate; it is also about community dialogue.  It is not just about the casting of ballots after five years and thereafter let politicians decide what happens to our everyday life.

Governments are challenged to open wide the windows and doors to allow for more citizen participation in what happens every day. With this growing movement of participative governance, which will soon intensify with the setting up of a UN working group on the question of truth, can Zimbabwe continue to shy away from the truth?  What is at stake?

Opening up the Pandora’s box is more than just a question of truth and memory.  It is a matter of increased citizen involvement in governance.  Our future is too important to be left to spin doctors. Zimbabwe is lagging behind; its leaders are going against the tide of history. We must now open the doors and confront critical questions, including the question of truth.

• Congratulations to Dynamos for winning the double by taking the league and the Mbada Cup Final today #
• Wonderful evening last night at #Zimbabwe Cricket awards dinner with US Amb Charles Ray and Chris Gayle; Zim cricket is definitely on the up #
• Congratulations to #Zimbabwe team Brendon de Jonge and Bruce Macdonald for their magnificent performance (11th) at the #Golf World Cup #
• http://t.co/RkPZH4p8 Why Zimbabwe deserves to be back in test cricket and why England should tour #
• Interesting that the Australian Test side playing NZ is not far off the Australia A side which played #Zimbabwe #cricket this year #
• Best of luck to Zimbabwe's 7s rugby side – the Cheetahs – in their match against England today; thankfully the UK cricket ban does not apply #
• Well done to Stu Matsikenyeri of the Eagles for an outstanding performance with the bat in the semi final of the #Zim T20 – selectors note! #
• Sad luck #Zim Cheetahs for losing 43-0 against England in rugby 7s; hope they do better against Kenya and France. Tough group but good 4 us #
• Congrats to #Zimbabwe 7s #rugby team for beating Kenya today – rugby is also improving – just need to get the 15s version stronger #
• Good to see #Zimbabwe #039;s Nick Price doing well at Nedbank Senior #Golf Challenge – trust he will come home for some fishing afterwards #
• Really disappointed that DSTV did not show the #Zimbabwe T20 cricket semi final live today – yet another example of poor treatment by DSTV #

The Standard

By Patrice Makova

4 December 2011

The leader of the smaller faction of the MDC, Professor Welshman Ncube has cast doubt on the prospects of the early completion of the constitution-making process to pave way for elections, saying political parties were still quarreling over several issues.

This is compounded by the fact that a national report compiled by the 17 thematic committees has been rejected for lack of depth and clarity, he said.

But Constitutional Select Committee (Copac) co-chairperson, Douglas Mwonzora dismissed Ncube’s assertion accusing him of attempting to discredit the current process in order to “sneak in” the controversial and much discredited Kariba draft constitution.

Speaking at a Southern Africa Political Economy Series (SAPES) Trust Policy dialogue in Harare last week, Ncube said the constitution-making process has been thrown into a shambles after Copac rejected the national report which drafters were supposed to use for crafting the new supreme law of the country.

He said political parties had to recall their representatives to rewrite the national report as the current one was badly written and lacked thoroughness.
“The process of writing a new constitution is far from over, but we do not want to admit this openly,” said Ncube.

“Zimbabweans have been given a false impression that the country is ready to draft a new constitution. You can bring in the drafting people, but what can they do if there is nothing to draft?” he asked.

“There is so much that has not been done. I always say this; the likelihood of holding a constitutional referendum and election in the same year is highly improbable — that it can be safely dismissed,” said Ncube.

“Up to now, not even a single line or paragraph of the constitution has been written. It is unlikely that the text would be ready by August next year. We will be lucky to hold a referendum by October next year.”

Ncube said even when the referendum is held and a constitution agreed upon, up to three additional months would be required to negotiate and amend the electoral act to make provision for issues such as proportional representation, which were likely to be included in the new supreme law.

Mwonzora however said the work produced by the select committee was of high standard, contrary to Ncube’s claims. He said talks of a national report were premature, as such a document would only be ready when everything else has been put in place, up to the production of the draft constitution.

“It appears Professor Ncube badly misses being part of Copac,” said Mwonzora.

“We get a little bit worried when some people who wrote the Kariba draft start criticising the process. They are trying to rubbish the current process as a way of trying to sneak in the Kariba draft as a substitute draft constitution.”

He said Copac concluded compiling the constitution principles at a meeting attended by David Coltart and Edward Mkhosi from Professor Ncube’s MDC.

Zanu PF secretary for information and publicity Rugare Gumbo also insisted that the constitution-making process was going on well, with the three parties to the GPA agreeable on 95% of the issues.

“Our (Zanu PF) position and that of President Mugabe is clear that elections will be held early next year, meaning that the constitution has to be completed now,” said Gumbo.

“The likes of Professor Ncube want to delay the process in order to remain in power. He is coming up with excuses in order to make hay while the sun still shines.”

Gumbo said it was not necessary to do a land audit before the next elections, as any party which comes into power could do that at a later stage.

Problems have been dogging Zimbabwe’s constitution-making process, which was supposed to have been completed within 18 months after the formation of the coalition government.

This was however delayed due to disruptions and disagreements by the coalition partners.

Constitution-making process done secretly: Ncube

Ncube said the constitution-making process was fraught with secrecy and as a result people were not aware of what came out during the public outreaches.

He said the Constitutional Commission which drafted the rejected constitutional draft in 2000 was more open in its work as it managed to publicise provincial reports, unlike the current process which is shrouded in secrecy.

The MDC leader said political parties were still quarrelling over what to include on the pre-amble of the new constitution, while fundamental differences still existed on several issues such as devolution of power and dual citizenship.

The Standard

4 December 2011

Education has been at the core of national discourse since colonial days. Seen as the only way of getting out grinding poverty and joining the national economy black Zimbabweans craved it.

During colonial days missionaries came and built mission schools all over the country to accommodate boys and girls who would otherwise have been excluded from the education system by the racially-segregative colonial education system. As the saying goes, everyone who is anybody in Zimbabwe was educated by missionaries.

But even missionary education did not come entirely free; though heavily subsidised by donations from parent churches in Europe and America, parents still had to chip in with something. At Independence in 1980 the new black government, driven by its revolutionary zeal, introduced free primary education.

Lauded for this the world-over — Zimbabwe at one stage achieved 98% literacy — no one ever raised the question of sustainability.

The country has now reached a stage where it is now patently clear that free education cannot be sustained. After decades of bad governance and skewed policies driven by populism the country’s coffers are empty. In the past decade less and less money has been channelled towards the social services sector particularly education and health.

The Minister of Education, David Coltart, was last week quoted saying a school-fees hike next year was inevitable; this has sent thousands of parents panicking.

There is every reason to panic; most of these parents are already struggling to keep their children in school. Most affected would naturally be children living in marginalised areas such as farms and communal areas where people depend only on subsistence agriculture.

The urban poor will also be affected. Thousands of children will drop out of school to join the vicious cycle of unemployment, prostitution and forced migration.

It is now time to look holistically at the education sector and come up with interventions that will stop its regression back to the colonial days. Underlining this process should be the clear message that parents will be called upon to play a more and more critical role in the education of their children.

Radio VOP

3 December 2011

Bulawayo – The Minister of Education and Culture, David Coltart said his Ministry will not allow distribution of condoms in secondary schools saying no parent would want his or her child to indulge in sex whilst at school.

Responding to a question by an anti-HIV/AIDS activist in Bulawayo on Thursday commemoration of World Aids Day,  who wanted know why his Ministry was not dishing out condoms to secondary schools claiming that most children are indulging in sex, Coltart said he won’t allow that.

“There is no way we can allow distribution of condoms in schools. Parents want their children to abstain from sex at school age. School children should focus on their studies; we can’t have condoms in school toilets, classrooms and libraries. Those who would want condoms should go outside the school premises maybe at nightclubs and street corners not at schools,” said Coltart.

Recently the National Aids Council (NAC) also said it was proposing amendments to a number of laws that could see the distribution of condoms at schools as a way of fighting the HIV/Aids scourge.

NAC said there were bringing out a view on what they had found out in their survey and what the general public felt would be the panacea to the spread of the HIV virus.

If Zimbabwe allows the distribution of condoms in schools it will be following on the footsteps of South Africa which in 2007 introduced the Children’s Act that gives children who are 12 years and above the right to access condoms.

Zimbabwe used to be one of the worst affected by HIV/Aids in the world although transmission rates have been declining in the last few years.

Researchers say fear of infection and mass social change have driven a huge decline in HIV rates in Zimbabwe  offering important lessons on how to fight the Aids epidemic to the rest of Africa.

The Herald

2 December 2011

Parents have been meeting across Zimbabwe in recent weeks to consider proposals to increase the levies at many State schools and the fees at many mission and trust schools.

At most schools the majority of parents, usually a substantial majority, have been approving these proposals and they are now being forwarded to the Secretary of Education, Sports, Arts and Culture for approval or amendment.

Minister David Coltart, who has no say in the approval process, has expressed his support for the parents and schools seeking rises. He believes strongly that education has been grossly under-funded for more than a decade, with even much of the small sums budgeted for schools development this year simply not there for dispersal from the Treasury.

The minister sadly notes that either the schools continue to run down or parents fill the gaps. There is no other option.

Fortunately, the Education Act dating from the 1980s, with a few amendments a few years ago to sort out anomalies, ensures that parents basically have the final say in what they are prepared to pay.

Schools wanting to raise levies or fees have to call a meeting of parents for specifically this purpose, the school development association or board of governors, as appropriate, has to present the budget and the proposals and has to justify these to the parents.

And then parents decide by a vote. Although the majority binds all, very few association executives or boards desire a close vote, with most aiming for at least a two-thirds majority so that the final decision does reflect the views of an overwhelming majority.

The attendance sheets of parents, meeting minutes, amended budget and proposals, and voting figures are all then sent through to the Ministry which tends to accept parents have the right to choose their own levies and fees and, so long as all proper procedures have been followed and there are no anomalies, usually gives approval. We presume most attention is given to close votes, although these are rare, to ensure that the proposals are fair.

More schools these days are splitting their operational levies or fees from the capital levies, a welcome trend so that parents can see more precisely where their money goes and can make more useful suggestions in meetings.

Operational budgets tend to produce the most debate. More and more State schools are regularising the inducements for teachers through their SDAs, abandoning ad hoc arrangements of parents paying teachers directly.

This ensures that teachers do treat all in their class the same, since they have no idea of which parents still owe levies, a welcome move. Some non-government schools are having to cope with a pay award for support staff that was designed to raise the basic minimum, but which retained a complex inherited grading system designed for other circumstances.

So in many cases parents have to make tough choices. We, like the Minister, see little choice for parents. And the system does at least ensure that parents have to agree to the choices they make; these are not imposed.

Parents have to be involved in their children’s schools, and skipping crucial meetings means that they really cannot complain later. If they have something to say they need to say it at the meeting called for that purpose.

More and more parents are now learning how to budget for levies and fees, and how to manage their financial affairs so that the cash does appear regularly for these purposes.

This is presumably why “bonus madness” now seems to be confined to very young adults who have yet to even start worrying about what the pre-schools charge. Families and Zimbabwe both benefit from this parental investment in education.

We hope that most parents are, even at this time of year when money is a little easier, paying levies and fees now, rather than waiting for the last minute and, if they have a little left over are putting it aside for the rest of next year.

There has been a welcome rise in competition among retailers stocking school uniforms, and far more sources for these plus the stationery that most children seem to consume in quantity.

So parents need to shop around carefully when buying. Some schools are even placing wholesale orders so parents can cut costs there.It is unfortunate that despite the education ministry having easily the largest budget allocation, Zimbabwe cannot afford almost free schooling for all.

But Zimbabwe is a developing country and one of the very few in its income band that does have enough places so every child can attend school for at least 11 years. But that provision means that parents are going to have to supplement the State.

Metro Zimbabwe

1 December 2011

Harare — The kitting deal between sportswear giant Puma and Zifa is expected to be concluded by year end.

Puma’s deal was among key issues discussed during a Zifa board meeting last Friday.

Zifa, who currently have no kit sponsor, hope that the kit deal will be concluded before the end of the year to enable the national football authority to unveil merchandise to the public ahead of the 2013 and 2014 Africa Cup of Nations and Fifa World Cup qualifiers, respectively.

The Zifa board also resolved that Zimbabwe should bid to host the next available Africa Cup of Nations tournament.

The 28th edition of the Africa Cup of Nations be will be co-hosted next year by Gabon and Equatorial Guinea whilst South Africa has been asked to replace conflict-hit Libya as hosts of the 2013 Caf Africa Cup of Nations.

North African giants Morocco will host 2015 African Cup of Nations with Libya taking over the 2017 tournament from original hosts South Africa.

Zimbabwe were recently given the rights to host the 8th Africa Women Championship next year on condition that government provides the necessary guarantee.

Another matter that came for discussion is the much-touted football indaba expected to tackle the financing of football which was supposed to be held last month but will now be held at a new date to be advised by the Sports and Recreation Commission (SRC).

Education and Sports Minister David Coltart has repeatedly insisted on the need for a football indaba that should unpack the financing challenges faced by Zimbabwean football.

The board meeting also approved the co-option of Zifa lawyer Ralph Maganga in the Constitutional Review committeee tasked with ensuring that the much maligned Zifa constitution conforms to Fifa statutes, the SRC Act and the laws of Zimbabwe.

The committee, whose other committee members are Chicken Inn secretary Tawengwa Hara, Tim Sangarwe and Tinoda Hove, is chaired by Cosmas Mukwesha.

The Zimbabwe soccer controlling body also resolved during the meeting to take charge of touchline advertising space in line with Zifa and Fifa statutes.

The issue of touchline advertising has also been a matter of concern to the Premier Soccer League who are in discussion with the Harare City Council.

Zifa, who have been a constant subject of derision because of the shambolic way they have run football over the years, hope to make amends by putting in place a strategic plan expected to be rolled out by February next year.

Cricket 365

Tristan Holme interviews David Coltart

1 December 2011

Zimbabwe have just completed their first full home season in six years, playing one-off Tests against Bangladesh, Pakistan and New Zealand.

Minister of Education, Sport, Arts and Culture David Coltart has been widely praised for turning cricket around in Zimbabwe since his appointment in February 2009.

Tristan Holme caught up with him to discuss Zimbabwe’s Test return, the reaction in the New Zealand press and England’s reluctance to resume ties.

When you look back at the past few months, are you fairly pleased with how things have gone, and do you feel Zimbabwe have justified their return to Test cricket?
I think that when we withdrew from Test cricket we were losing within three days, and I think there was even a match against South Africa where we lost within two days, and that makes a mockery of Test cricket. We’ve taken every Test match (this season) into the last day, and that in essence is what Test cricket is about – the ability to play the entire match. So I think that these three matches demonstrate that our return to Test cricket is entirely justified. There’s one caveat, and that is that we haven’t played away yet, and that’s going to be the next test of whether it’s justified or not.

You must feel that bringing cricket to Zimbabwe has a lot of benefit to the people, but have you felt a growing support for the team over the course of the three series?
Well to be frank I’m disappointed by the turnout at a lot of matches, not just the Tests. I still feel we’ve got a lot to do to get the public out here. I feel as Minister of Education, as opposed to Minister of Sport, that we’ve got a lot to do to get schoolchildren along to these matches.

But in answer to your question, I think that confidence in Zimbabwe cricket is being restored. I think there’s a growing understanding amongst the cricketing public that this is an increasingly competitive team, and I think that that will result, in the longer term, in more public support at matches.

There weren’t any New Zealand journalists who came out for the tour, but quite a few of them back home were quite critical of New Zealand’s decision to tour, terming it a “disgrace”. How would you respond to that?
Well I’ve already responded to those articles published by the web newspapers, and in both articles I’ve read I believe they’ve been written by people who are ignorant to the current situation in Zimbabwe, and they’re articles that are pretty much three years out of date. None of us argue that the situation in Zimbabwe is perfect – far from that, there are still appalling things taking place in this country but it’s unrecognisably better than it was three years ago politically and our cricket has made huge strides – not just in the playing field but also in terms of accountability and inclusivity in the last three years, and that needs to be rewarded.

I’ve said many times that I think Zimbabwe is at a very similar junction in its history to where South Africa was in the early 1990s. It’s a country in transition, it’s a fragile transition. There are setbacks, and there are still events taking place in the political arena that are very negative. But overall the country has chosen a non-violent route, and that should be encouraged. So far from it being a disgrace, I’m delighted that New Zealand has made this tour.

And I would say one thing in closing to these journalists, which is that they’re sitting in New Zealand; they’re not Zimbabweans, they’re not here, they’re not in a position to judge. Here you have a person like myself who has been a human rights lawyer for 30 years, who supported someone like the Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai who has sacrificed greatly for this, and if we say that it’s alright for this tour to come, how can any New Zealand journalist possibly claim to have any moral authority to dispute that? It’s a bit like telling Nelson Mandela in the early 1990s, that South Africa should not have the 1995 World Cup. It’s ridiculous.

The one country that remains resistant to resuming tours is England. You must find that frustrating?
I find it very frustrating. I’ve been in London and I met with Minister Henry Bellingham, who is the UK’s Foreign Office Minister for Africa, and I raised this issue again with him. I find it entirely contradictory – I’ve had a letter from the British Ambassador confirming that our Olympic team is going to be welcome in London next year. We know that, for example, this year our Polocrosse team got to the final of the world championships in Britain, we’ve had the British Barbarian schoolboy rugby team out here, and there’s just an inconsistency. Why is it that cricket is singled out for this treatment? It does not appear to be a general policy of the British government, and I just think it’s wrong and needs to be reviewed.

The main concern with cricket in Zimbabwe has to be finance. Do you see it being sustainable in the long run?
I think that cricket is sustainable in the long run, but there’s no doubt that there are huge pressures that are present because in most countries the bulk of sponsorship comes from domestic companies, not international receipts, and our economy is still in a bad shape although it’s gradually stabilising and picking up. I am concerned in the short term, because the long term success of cricket is inextricably linked to the growth of Zimbabwe’s economy, which is going to take some time yet.

So I just hope that the cricket authorities can manage this transition and keep cricket alive and keep these tours coming on the understanding that when the economy stabilises, cricket inevitably is going to get more support. And with that support and growing strength in Zimbabwe cricket we will get more of the English and Indian tours that bring the huge amounts of money that we need to sustain cricket.