Zimbabwe reach out to England over cricket again

The Times of India

25 January 2012

Zimbabwe sports minister David Coltart has once again urged England to revive cricket ties with the southern African nation.

Coltart’s lobbying efforts have managed to sway Australia and New Zealand to tour the country following years of boycotts on political grounds, but the British government prohibits England to host or visit Zimbabwe.

England last hosted and visited Zimbabwe in 2004 but played its team in 2007 at the Twenty20 World Tournament.

Earlier this month, Coltart met with British foreign secretary William Hague in London during the World Education Forum and the pair briefly discussed re-establishing cricket ties.

“It went well. I proposed dialogue between the two countries and he said they will consider it,” Coltart said. “He said they have taken into account what I said. He didn’t give any undertaking but he wasn’t negative.”

Coltart is a founding member of the Movement for Democratic Change party that forced Zimbabwe’s President Robert Mugabe and his ZANU-PF party into a coalition government after the disputed 2008 elections.

He has previously defended his lobbying efforts, saying the coalition government has addressed some of the concerns that brought the imposition of the sporting sanctions.

“Tours of that nature bind relations and reconcile nations,” Coltart said. “Tours do not benefit a single party. They benefit the entire nation. They also help our cricket. A good example is that the tour by Australia ‘A’ and New Zealand last year lifted morale and helped raise the standard of our game.

“The trouble with playing England is that in the foreseeable future on the ICC calendar, England are only scheduled to play Zimbabwe in about 2016. There doesn’t seem to be a reasonable scheduled timeframe by the ICC. We offered New Zealand and Australia a unique opportunity to play this past winter because of the fact that unlike in other southern hemisphere countries, we can play cricket during our winter.”

 

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Zimbabwe – The Pillar of Education and Fostering a Patriotism That Never Seemed to Waver

Corporate Foreign Policy

By Sam Amsterdam 

25 January 2012

Zimbabwe Minister of Education David Coltart is unequivocally on a mission. And his mission is particularly unique here in Zim – it is supported on both (if not more) sides of the proverbial aisle.

It is common knowledge that education is a pillar of infrastructural stability, allowing a nation and its respective citizenry to develop and thrive. Education turns aspiration to talent, fosters it and allows it to give back through implementing an acquired skill at home, ultimately equating to a nation sustainably developing.

Yet after the turmoil of 2008, one would have all but written off the former breadbasket of Africa regarding its developmental potential. David Coltart is out to prove those naysayers wrong.

Aside from an unprecedented 15 million textbook initiative brought about with support of UNICEF to Zimbabwe’s students, allowing the ratio of student to textbook to hit 1:1, he champions the push to increase teacher salaries at the incremental level. This applies to a specific funding initiative for those working in remote areas of Zimbabwe, understanding that talent doesn’t necessary only reside in Harare, Bulawayo, Hwange or Victoria Falls and that one should honor their sacrifice to work in remote areas.

With regard to sport, it is understood to have a particularly profound ‘binding’ effect on a populous and to further promote pride and lure back those who seek greener pastures overseas, the Minister aims to return test cricket (particularly England v. Zim at home), soccer and rugby in full to the nation.

Minister Coltart will be speaking over the course of the next few days at the African Brains summit in Victoria Falls. We will be reporting live from the scene, as the event undoubtedly will shine a spotlight on a continent abundant with opportunity (7 out of the top 10 countries projected to grow significantly this year are in Africa) and even more so on a generation that will turn opportunity in to tangible progression.

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Zimbabwe keen to restore England ties

Sport24

24 January 2012

Harare – Zimbabwe Sports Minister David Coltart has once again urged England to revive cricket ties with the southern African nation.

Coltart’s lobbying efforts have managed to sway Australia and New Zealand to tour the country following years of boycotts on political grounds, but the British government prohibits England to host or visit Zimbabwe.

England last hosted and visited Zimbabwe in 2004 but played its team in 2007 at the Twenty20 World tournament.

Earlier this month, Coltart met with British Foreign Secretary William Hague in London during the World Education Forum and the pair briefly discussed re-establishing cricket ties.

“It went well. I proposed dialogue between the two countries and he said they will consider it,” Coltart told The Associated Press. “He said they have taken into account what I said. He didn’t give any undertaking but he wasn’t negative.”

Coltart is a founding member of the Movement for Democratic Change party that forced Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe and his ZANU-PF party into a coalition government after the disputed 2008 elections.

He has previously defended his lobbying efforts, saying the coalition government has addressed some of the concerns that brought the imposition of the sporting sanctions.

“Tours of that stature bind relations and reconcile nations,” Coltart said. “Tours do not benefit a single part. They benefit the entire nation. They also help our cricket. A good example is that the tour by Australia ‘A’ and New Zealand last year lifted morale and helped raise the standard of our game.

“The trouble with England is that in the foreseeable future on the ICC calendar, England are scheduled to play Zimbabwe in some ridiculous time. There doesn’t seem to be a scheduled timeframe by the ICC. New Zealand and Australia offer a unique opportunity because of the fact that other than other southern hemisphere countries, we can play our cricket during our winter.”

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Senator David Coltart MOESAC Interview

On January 24, 2012, Minister of Education, Sport, Arts and Culture David Coltart was interviewed at the Elephant Hills Resort in Victoria Falls.

Senator Coltart discussed the state of education in Zimbabwe today, the importance of changing the nation’s political narrative, encouraging international awareness of the opportunities in Zimbabwe and the corporate social responsibility initiatives that should run concurrent with integration in to a booming natural resource sector. Only through dynamic reforms fostered and funded by international support can we allow Zimbabwe to not only prosper but indeed thrive. Parts II and III of this interview will follow.

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Coltart taken to court

NewsDay

By Tatenda Chitagu

23 January 2012

Five teachers at the Apostolic Faith Mission-run Rufaro High School in Chatsworth, Gutu, have taken Education, Sport, Arts and Culture minister David Coltart to court over what they termed forced transfers from the mission school.

In papers filed at the Labour Court, Masvingo provincial education director, Clara Dube, is cited as the first respondent, education permanent secretary Stephen Mahere as second respondent and Coltart as third respondent.

The five — Constan Tandi, Simbarashe Chigumira, Muneyi Muneyi, Augustine Mushipe and Albert Munyoro, whose ages were not given — want the matter dealt with urgently.

They are being represented by Rogers Matsikidze. The case is set to be heard on January 30 in Gweru.

In their application, the teachers alleged that their transfer was meant to cow them after they allegedly accused the school and church officials of corruption. They also accused government of conniving with the church officials.

The teachers were forcibly removed from the school by AFM director of education Constantine Murefu for allegedly boycotting a prize giving ceremony and holding an unsanctioned meeting at the school last year.

Part of Murefu’s letter reads: “You boycotted a speech and prize-giving day and stormed out of the annual general meeting (AGM) last year and you held an unauthorised meeting soon after the AGM.

“You are therefore asked to vacate Rufaro School immediately”.

But in their notice of appeal, the teachers alleged the school’s disciplinary authority “erred in finding them guilty of boycotting the speech and prize- giving day when the matter was res judicata” (a matter already judged).

They also argued they were found guilty of walking out of the AGM when the matter “borders on de minimus (not enough to be considered) and was in complete disregard to the circumstances surrounding the meeting.”

The appellants also argued their transfer “was pre-meditated” and instructing them to leave the school within three days from the issuance of the order was insensitive.

 

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More than lip service needed to provide education

The Zimbabwean

By Chris Ncube

23 January 2012

Education, Sports and Culture Minister, David Coltart, who raises concern at the lack of access to education by children that were victims of the widely-condemned Murambatsvina, says the new strategic plan he will soon present to Cabinet will aim to tackle the problem.

Human rights groups have recently highlighted the plight of such children saying these had failed to access education after government forcefully removed them from where they stayed but failed to build schools where they ‘resettled’ them.

Among such organizations that have raised concern at the challenges facing the minors is Amnesty international.

Coltart told The Zimbabwean he had received a general letter from the human rights organization.

“I am deeply concerned about the plight of these children and Education Transition Fund Phase 2 is very much focused on these issues. Sadly, because of the extreme shortage, indeed virtual non-existence, of government funding, there is very little I can do in the short term to address these legitimate concerns,” he said.

“I will shortly be presenting our 5 year strategic plan to Cabinet which is designed to address these concerns and others. But that will need more than lip service to become effective.”

In 2005, an estimated 700 000 people lost their homes, their livelihoods or both as a result of the Zimbabwean government’s campaign of mass forced evictions and demolitions of homes and informal business structures.

The evictions and demolitions were carried out without adequate notice, court orders, or appropriate relocation measures, in violation of Zimbabwe’s obligations under international human rights law. During the evictions police and soldiers used excessive force while property was destroyed and people were beaten.

Most victims still live under deplorable conditions despite the government’s so-called Operation Garikai, which government claimed would provide housing to victims.

A 2010 study by the Solidarity Peace found that 28 per cent of Zimbabwe’s school going children suffered severe disruption (loss of more than a year of schooling). Half of these children (14 per cent) lost up to three years of education or dropped out of school permanently.

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Twitter Weekly Updates for 2012-01-22

  • Our great Zimbabwe cricket team flies into New Zealand today and goes with our very best wishes. #
  • England 46 for 5 with Mohammed Hafeez and Saeed Ajmaal doing far more damage to England than did against Zimbabwe. Zim cricket on the up! #
  • Well, well England succumb to Pakistan at cricket within 3 days whereas Zimbabwe fought them hard into the 5th day; time for Eng to play Zim #
  • Congratulations to ZIMSEC Board & staff for getting A level exam results out on time – can be collected at all schools countrywide on Monday #
  • England agonising over loss to Pakistan – they should take some tips from Zim's Mawoyo who had the measure of Ajmal – http://t.co/pd5UZV1s #
  • #Celtic 12 wins in a row and 5 points clear of the Scottish Premier league – what a team to support..aside from Highlanders that is! #
  • Feeling sad that Zimbabwe is not playing in #AFCON – great challenge to sort out Zimbabwe football but we must do it – we got so much talent #
  • Zimbabwe 328 for 9 at close of day 2 – a 56 run advantage over a strong NZ XI – good stuff lads! Chakabva on 87 not out. #
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Petina Gappah: Zimbabwe

Guernica

By Petina Gappah

17 January 2012

If Zimbabwe were human, the country would need more years of therapy than its 30 years of independence. According to Foreign Policy, in 2010, Zimbabwe was fourth on the “Failed State Index.” In 2006, it was declared to be the unhappiest place on earth—ahead of Zimbabwe on the “Happiness Index” were countries like the Democratic Republic of Congo, Sudan, and North Korea. In 2008, it had inflation rates not seen since the Weimar Republic: prices of goods changed as customers walked to the tills. By any measure, Zimbabweans should just have given up, switched off what little lights remained burning, and hightailed it to the nearest border.

Zimbabwe’s collapse is jarring because it has been so fast. Particularly, in education, where it once led all of Africa, Zimbabwe has had a dizzying fall. The papers are full of stories of teachers at government schools threatening to strike, of pupils being sent home for not paying school fees, of overcrowded classrooms and poorly maintained schools.

At the beginning of last year, I planned to write about the state of education in coalition Zimbabwe. In September 2008, Zimbabwe woke to a new chapter in its history. For the first time since independence, Zanu PF, the party of the rooster emblem, was no longer cock of the walk. Mugabe’s party entered into a power-sharing arrangement with the MDC, the opposition party that has sworn to reverse the economic decline. Ministerial portfolios were divvied up between the three parties to the coalition. The Ministry of Education, or, to give it its full name, The Ministry of Education, Sport, Art, and Culture, went to the smaller of the two MDC parties, and is headed by David Coltart, a lawyer and senator from Bulawayo. Senator Coltart is known as one of the most accessible of the ministers. His door was open when I walked in to tell him about my project, and to ask for his permission to visit government schools.

My initial plan had been to go to all of Zimbabwe’s ten provinces, and visit two primary schools and two secondary schools in each province. I soon came to realize that bureaucracy had not quite caught up with the reality of the new coalition government. The head of the first government school I visited would not see me because I did not have the authority of the provincial head.

“But the Minister signed my letter,” I protested and produced the letter signed by Senator Coltart.

Not good enough, clearly.

“That letter was not signed by the provincial director,” I was told.

I went to Chester House in Harare to see the Provincial Director, a small man in an over-furnished office who put a stamp on it, signed it, and wrote, “APPROVED” above his signature, effectively approving his boss’s approval. After that, I had to see the District Officer, a smiling woman with a complicated hairstyle who put down her tea and biscuits to stamp the minister’s letter, appending her own approval to the other two approvals. A friend who works closely with the Ministry of Education shrugs when I tell him this anecdote. He explains that the Senator’s Permanent Secretary—said to be a staunch Zanu PF supporter—is apparently involved in a war of attrition with his MDC minister, almost, my source says, as though he does not want the minister to succeed.

I decide to limit my visits to the schools to which I have a personal connection: a writer visiting her old schools to write about them, I reason, is an entirely different thing to an unknown person walking into strange schools, even with ministerial approval.

Besides, I am lucky to have gone to five schools in Zimbabwe, six if I include the University of Zimbabwe.

“Why so many?” my photographer, Rudo Nyangulu asks.

I explain to her that I am of the generation that started school in Rhodesia, continued in Zimbabwe-Rhodesia and finished in Zimbabwe. Those were the days of social mobility, of dismantled racial barriers. I did the first year of my primary education at Chembira Government Primary School, did Grade 2 at Kundai Government Primary School, and then did Grades 4 to 7 at Alfred Beit Primary School before completing my secondary education at St. Dominic’s Secondary School and St. Ignatius’ College. It is to these old schools that Rudo and I turn in the company of our driver, Innocent.

My first school was Chembira School, the first government primary school to be built in Glen Norah, a black township established in the early 1970s. There were more children than there were school places, which meant that about 80 pupils shared a classroom, with a group of children coming to school in the mornings and another in the afternoons. Until the classroom cleared, my classmates and I sat under a tree with our teacher. “Hot seating” only ended when a new school opened the following year.

What Zimbabwe did particularly well in the first twenty years of its life was to correct the racial injustice that had denied quality universal education to the majority of the country’s black children.

Behind the administration block is the tap from where we drank water in our cupped hands. “A DAY IN SCHOOL IS A GAIN ON ETERNITY” says a notice on the board inside the reception. Below this is a large poster outlining the school’s plans for the next five years, the most ambitious being to build a new block of classrooms. When I tell the deputy headmistress that I am an old pupil, she welcomes me with a hug of delight, especially when I mention where I have been since 1978. This being Zimbabwe, it turns out that she knows one of my aunts—they did their teacher training together in the 70s.

Hot seating is back again as there are simply too many children for the available classrooms—1, 315 in all. Glen Norah is in the catchment area of the Hopley Farm informal settlement, she explains, which means that they have many children from very poor families. The BEAM programme is important for them, the deputy head says, and shows me a group of parents assisting in sorting through applications in the staff room.

By the BEAM programme, she means the “Basic Education Assistance Module,” a donor-funded scheme that aims to ensure that children from poor families stay in school: it is aimed at what its multilateral donors call OVCs—orphans and other vulnerable children. They have their fees and levies paid for them and are supplied with uniforms and stationery.

“But what about children not covered under the BEAM? Would you expel children whose parents cannot pay fees?’ I ask.

There have been several stand-offs between schools and the Ministry, with the latter insisting that schools cannot expel children for not paying fees, while schools point out that without fees, they are unable to run. In addition to the government-set school fees of about 20 dollars for a term of three months, there is the “development levy,” which varies from small amounts at the poorer schools to hundreds, and even thousands, of dollars at the better-off schools. The levy is charged directly by each School Development Association—the SDAs are made up of parents and teachers. Faced with a perpetually broke government, the SDAs have been the drivers of school development. In fact, the plan to build a new classroom block at Chembira is an SDA project.

“We do not expel children,” the deputy headmistress says. “You find that many such children have just one parent, and so, even if they are not orphans exactly, they will be covered somehow.”

She tells me that the SDA levies at Chembira have enabled them to pay for two extra teachers, and for their Traditional Dance coach. The school has won the country’s leading Traditional Dance competition for school children. Last year, Chembira came top in the whole country, she tells me proudly.

“We are doing really well. We have an excellent coach,’ she beams, “Someone who really believes in his job.”

Does the same commitment extend to the classroom, I ask. Are their teachers as committed to excellence as the dance coach?

“There are challenges,’ she admits. “There are simply not enough teachers for all the children.”

As we walk around the school, I meet the two oldest teachers; they must have been there when I was, I prod them eagerly for memories of my old teacher, but 1978 is too far in the past. Our tour of the school coincides with break-time. The children, eager for any diversion, follow us around. Rudo’s camera is like a magnet; they jostle to have their pictures taken. As the deputy headmistress tries to keep the children at a distance, I ask her about the pressures facing the schools. She tells me what I will hear at the two other primary schools I will visit: that the Grade Zero classes are adding pressure to already pressured schools.

In 2005, the government introduced an Early Development class, ECD, informally called Grade Zero. It was intended to address the reality that not all parents could afford to send their children to crèches, which were all privately run and tended to be expensive. The idea was that all children should, before the formal start of primary school, be equipped with the social skills they need to start school.

A wonderful initiative in theory, but, as with many things in Zimbabwe, the devil was in the implementation. The government did not build more classrooms to accommodate Grade Zero children, who need toys, picture books and specialized learning aids. In the first few years, there were no teachers who were properly qualified in early childhood development. Many government schools were already struggling with too many children, falling infrastructure and indifferent and unmotivated teachers, if they were not absent. Grade Zero has thus added more children to schools without accompanying improvements in infrastructure.

“We really want to educate poor children but we can’t educate anyone without money, no?” says Sister Elizabeth.

I remark to the deputy head that Chembira has the same number of toilets it had 30 years ago.

“That’s when they are working,” she says, ominously.

We visit the Grade Zero classroom. It is the room that was once the library, and still has LIBRARYwritten on the door. Efforts have gone into making it cheerful. The floor has been carefully swept. Children learn to distinguish shapes from old boxes of different sizes. The walls are decorated with collages made of pictures from newspapers and magazines. It is woefully inadequate, and, at the same time, heroic in a way that is heartbreaking.

“When the new classroom block is built,” the headmistress says, “then this can be a library again.

“But we have no books,” she adds as an afterthought. “You see why we need help?”

To understand what has gone wrong at schools like Chembira requires an understanding of what it used to do well. What Zimbabwe did particularly well in the first twenty years of its life was to correct the racial injustice that had denied quality universal education to the majority of the country’s black children: throughout the history of the colony, state education was bottlenecked to ensure that fewer and fewer blacks had access to education as they progressed up to tertiary education.

Government schools for whites, and to a lesser extent, those for Coloreds and Indians, had the best resources, while the “Africans only” schools, the Group B schools like Chembira, suffered from overcrowding, inadequately trained teachers and no resources. It is no wonder that at independence, the government, and its first leader, Mugabe, a teacher, considered it the chief priority, even ahead of land reform, to respond to the thirst for education. But in the last ten short years of Zimbabwe’s political and economic crisis, these hard won gains have been all but lost.

Chishawasha is a short drive from central Harare. It would be shorter still if the dust road from the turn off at Enterprise Road were tarred. We crawl along the dust road. The surrounding Shawasha Hills have become a fashionable new development, dotted with new houses built with new money. The valley itself remains resolutely rural: Innocent stops the car to let two small boys herd their cows along the road.

Chishawasha is Catholic Central, with four schools, a clinic, the regional seminary and a cathedral all built on land that Rhodesia’s founder, Cecil John Rhodes, gave to the Jesuits in 1890s. It is prime land. The school overlooks the old Valley of the Millionaires—after the Federation of the two Rhodesias and Nyasaland collapsed, its last Governor- General, Simon Ramsay, Lord Dalhousie, set up a farm here.

We drive to St Dominic’s Secondary school. Everything seems to be exactly the same. The redbrick classrooms. The convent with its Dominican sisters. The school hall were mass was held and where we sat exams. The statue of the Virgin in the grotto. There is Sister Elizabeth, with her gentle face and German accent, and there, Mr. Madubeko, the headmaster and my old science teacher. A highly selective girls’ school, St Dominic’s was every parent’s dream. It offered a first class education in an austere but nurturing Catholic environment, far from the temptations of town. Daughters of the wealthy mixed with girls from poor rural families, their common bond academic excellence.

“Is the school still committed to educating girls from all backgrounds?” I ask my former teachers.

“We really want to educate poor children but we can’t educate anyone without money, no?” says Sister Elizabeth

Mr. Madubeko confirms this but clarifies that even though only those able to pay fees come to the school, they aim to keep the fees low. The fees are currently less than 400 dollars a term. Sister Elizabeth explains that in years when they got donations from overseas, they could pay for girls who may have lost their parents and were unable to continue.

The more I look, the more I see changes. The library has moved to a room twice its former size. There is a new A-Level block, built in 2001, which offers accommodation for 40 girls. St Dominic’s has received an impressive number of Secretary’s Bells; at a hundred percent, the school consistently has the highest pass rate for A-Levels in the country.

“We do not take girls with less than 5 As at O-Level if they were here,” Sister Elizabeth says. “And if they come from outside the school, they have to have 8 As.” Mr. Madubeko bemoans the current pass-rate of 90 per cent at O-Level, the lowest it has been in ten years. “When I was at St Dominic’s,” I remark, feeling smug, “The pass-rate was 100 percent.”

Mr. Madubeko sighs and says that they are often under pressure to take girls who are not up to standard. One of the girls tells me later that one of Zimbabwe’s top army generals had a daughter here. An army truck drove up every Saturday to bring her food, even though this was against the school rules. Mr. Madubeko is circumspect about the kind of pressures he is under, saying only that these pressures prevent a perfect pass rate.

The same faces I crept past those many years ago, trying very hard not to attract any attention, are still here, among them Sister Elizabeth, Sister Veronica, the deputy headmaster and his wife, who teaches science, Mai Farai, the Librarian, and Mr. Madubeko himself who has been here since 1975.

For the Dominican nuns, it is clear: the convent, and so the school, is their home. “But the others, why do the other teachers stay so long?” I ask.

Mr. Mutangara, deputy head since 1987, laughs and says, “There is nowhere else to go.”

Mr. Madubeko explains it has been a stable home and a wonderful environment for his children who all grew up in the valley. It also helps, he says, that the staff receives a better salary than the ministry salary—it is topped up by money from fees. He becomes wistful as he wonders whether his staying so long has been good or bad for the school.

We move around the school taking photographs and find girls hard at work. A class in social geography is exploring the concept of equality under socialism. In the food and nutrition class, the girls are learning to make a curry. In this same room, my classmates and I were taught to make food meant for cold English winters, shepherd’s pie and toad-in-the-hole, Yorkshire pudding and apple crumble. At the end of the corridor is a literature room. There are five girls there now, with books before them, discussing Measure for Measure.

As we leave, I take a look at the school’s vision statement on the notice board. One of the aims of the school, according to this, is “preparation for life in all its dimensions, its profound meaning and transformation beyond death to eternal life.” There is no way of measuring whether the school achieves this. What it achieves without question are stellar results: twenty-three years after I left, St Dominic’s is clearly still one of the top schools in the country.

From St Dominic’s, I went to St Ignatius College as one of the 40 girls at Zimbabwe’s finest Jesuit school for boys. Our mission was partly to help the boys move with ease between the all-boys environment of Form 1 to 4 to the co-educational A-Levels. With us, they got used to girls before being unleashed on an unsuspecting world. But we were there mainly because Mary Ward, a forward-thinking English nun who founded the Institute of the Blessed Virgin Mary, now called the Congregation of Jesus, dreamed of setting up girls’ schools on the Jesuit model. The Mary Ward girls, as we were called, shared classes with the boys.

We received a first class education.

Since its establishment on 1962, St Ignatius has educated generations of brilliant boys from poor and modest backgrounds: better-off families in search of a Jesuit education tend to send their sons to St. Ignatius’ posher brother school in town, St. George’s College.

When I visit St Ignatius with Rudo and Innocent, it is like stepping into the achingly familiar. I was very happy here. The school is built on a hill, with the Chishawasha valley on one side and a view of the Valley of the Millionaires from Mary Ward House. Rich red earth is everywhere, at one with the red bricks of the well-maintained buildings. Father Roland von Nidda, the rector, is expansive in his welcome. He takes us from classroom to classroom. My visit inspires him to invite me to the Prize-Giving Day as a guest of honor.

Zimbabwe’s Prime Minister, Morgan Tsvangirai, likes to say that the real scope of the tragedy of Mugabe’s most recent years in power is that he has destroyed not only what he inherited at independence, but also what he built himself.

It is here that I see my old school at its very best.

I speak to the boys and girls about what the school meant to me, about the Jesuits priests and Mary Ward sisters who taught me, about the fierce ambition they burned in me to not only do exceptionally well but also, in the words of St Ignatius of Loyola, to find a way to set the world on fire. I tell them about my little rebellions, abandoning Catholicism for Buddhism, only to find myself as lonely as my headmaster Father Berridge had predicted: I would probably be the only Buddhist in Zimbabwe, he had said.

“I also want to be a Buddhist,” whispers a small Form 2 boy to me later, as I give out his prize.

Father Von Nidda emphasizes in his speech that the school aims for a holistic education. Over tea, he tells me that he wants to send into the world compassionate young men and women with critical minds. “And they are so bright,” he says. “My goodness they are bright. I do worry though that some of them take religion too seriously.”

The prizes follow. The sun hits my eyes as I give out certificate after certificate, for best A-Level results, for the top ten in each class. There are school colors in volleyball, swimming, netball, rugby, soccer, basketball and chess. It is inspiring to see both the fierce competition and the pleasure in the pursuit of excellence. There is humor and camaraderie in the competitiveness. Peels of ululation ring out as exultant parents dance little jigs to celebrate their children. The teachers are just as competitive. They receive prizes for every record they break.

As I hand out their certificates and congratulate the A-level students who did exceptionally well in both the Cambridge and Zimbabwe school examinations, I ask where they are headed, and what they will read.

“I will do medicine in South Africa,” says one.

“I am off to York University in Canada,” says another.

They want to study medicine and accountancy, law and engineering, architecture and actuarial science.

“If I can’t go anywhere else,” the former head girl, Nancy Kachingwe, tells me, “Then it will have to be the University of Zimbabwe.’

Zimbabwe’s Prime Minister, Morgan Tsvangirai, likes to say that the real scope of the tragedy of Mugabe’s most recent years in power is that he has destroyed not only what he inherited at independence, but also what he built himself. My journey around my childhood confirms that, far from being an enabler and builder, the government has actually been an inhibitor and destroyer. The successful schools are those where government interference is felt the least, private schools that, untainted by government control, have managed to thrive.

Even in the government schools, though, all is not quite lost. Individuals have managed to make a difference, even against the odds; ordinary people like the headmaster and teachers at Kundai; the engaged parents in the SDA at Chembira. Even Alfred Beit, which fell the furthest of my previous schools, has barely hung on because parents have agreed to pay more fees than government demands.

It is hard to shake the sense I got that money has replaced race in Zimbabwe. In Rhodesia, race determined whether a child was guaranteed a good education. In post-crisis Zimbabwe, it is now class that is the determinant. It is the ability of the parents to pay that determines whether their children get a good education. A Zimbabwean PhD student has written a thesis that argues that this generation of children will be less literate then their parents, a terrifying possibility that brings with it the specter of social upheavals to come.

In one respect, the Zimbabwe of my education is the same Zimbabwe today. It is a country filled with children who manage to find happiness in difficult circumstances, who make toys out of bricks, who study in the light of candles, and who are filled with imaginations and ambitions that are bigger than the collapse of their failed state.

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Mugabe’s Ministers splash out on parties, but where does the money come from!

Bulawayo 24News

By Mathula Lusinga

16 January 2012

Why do Zimbabweans bark up the wrong trees leaving the real culprits splashing the diamonds money like there is no tomorrow?

When schools opened for the first term of 2012, teachers went on strike in demand of a better wage which is currently pegged at US$300, asking for more than US$500. The Minister of Education, David Coltart told us that it is beyond his power to increase the salaries. We then had the story of how the Minister of Public Service, Lucia Matibenga, was reduced to tears as she tried to explain why teachers cannot get the increase they are asking for.

Contrast this with the details of two high profile weddings held in Harare on the same evening before Christmas – an illustration that corruption and greed have reached alarming levels. Zanu PF ministers have plundered the country’s resources to fund their lavish lifestyles as money, drugs and sex mark the new lifestyle of the upcoming Harare elite, who are all connected or related one way or another. While civil servants suffer in poverty, Sydney Sekeramayi (Minister of State Security) and Emmerson Mnangagwa (Minister of Defence) held top-of-the-range weddings for their daughter and son respectively.

At Sekeramayi’s daughter wedding, 3,000 guests sat under a large marquee, and were wined and dined with the most expensive tastes in food and drink, all paid for by the Minister. Their exotic six course meal was prepared by specially hired chefs including some flown in for the occasion. To enhance the spirit of the wedding, five bands were paid to perform on five separate dance floors.

The wedding for Emmerson Mnangagwa’s eldest son competed for extravagance. Each table was apparently given six bottles of Johnny Walker Blue Label – a bottle of Johnny Walker Blue Label King George V Edition – 2007 costs US$550! French Champagne flowed throughout the evening and, among other expensive dishes, seafood was flown in from Mozambique and RSA. Wow – I thought our locally brewed Chibuku and some pap and stew would be enough to excite people.  Of course there were expensive wedding gifts from all guests. Mnangagwa himself allegedly gave his son a new five-bedroom house in the most expensive part of Harare plus US$120,000 to furnish it. That is a TV in each room and a flat screen for the cows!

Go to hell teachers, they don’t give a damn about you!

So it’s obvious that teachers can go to hell with their demands for a living wage because money from diamonds never reaches the state coffers. To make matters worse Zimbabwean legislators seem not to be interested in making noise about it as they are busy focusing on other issues that avoid pissing off Zanu PF chefs. Most critical politicians are in the papers daily for the wrong reasons, with matters of their sexual preference taking over their daily lives. In turn fewer and fewer MPs are demanding accountability over diamond revenues, giving Zanu PF an opportunity to continue with their evil deeds with no one asking questions. There are many youth initiatives that are refused very small amounts of funding while Zanu PF children are spending millions in drugs and furnishing their lavish lifestyles. The battle between right and wrong is fast becoming one that needs redefinition because the stories above simply tell us of a country with no moral responsibility.

Every man must decide whether he will walk in the light of creative altruism or in the darkness of destructive selfishness – Martin Luther King, Jr.

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Guy Scott and the ‘Caribbeanization’ of Zambia – Consequences for Zimbabwe?

allAfrica.com

By Brooks Marmon

15 January 2012

The recent ascension of Guy Scott to the vice-presidency of Zambia has been viewed with great interest by the country’s neighbors as well as Western media.

Dr. Scott was born in what was then the British colony of Northern Rhodesia in 1944 to settler parents and recent pieces for the BBC and The Guardian have suggested that his appointment is a significant milestone for the development of a post-colonial non-racial order in Africa. Soon after assuming Zambia’s second highest office, Scott announced that his election reflected a process of “Caribbeanization” in Zambia.

The racial antics of Julius Malema (the former youth leader of South Africa’s governing party) aside, the African nation that is most in dire need of ‘Carribeanization’ is undoubtedly Zimbabwe (both Namibia and Kenya have European settler populations that are remnants of the colonial era but they are relatively stable and not particularly active politically). Unsurprisingly, both the independent and state press in Zimbabwe have devoted space to Scott’s appointment. The installation of a white in Zambia’s second highest position begs two significant questions: (1) will there be a shift in Zambia’s Zimbabwe policy and (2) will it have any consequences for European participation in Zimbabwe’s political process?

Attempts to answer the first question are marred by mixed signals while the second can only be answered at this stage through conjecture. However, the favorable treatment of Scott by Mugabe and his ZANU-PF party does provide for some interesting historical observations that allow one to better understand how Zimbabwe devolved from what was supposedly a model of racial conciliation in the 1980s (although perhaps only in comparison to a South Africa still dominated by Apartheid) to a society that subjects a visitor who has accidentally stepped on a passenger’s shoe in a highly crowded bus to a ten minute tirade about Bush and Blair – and the need for the white proprietor of the offending foot to make financial reparations (this was one isolated experience of the author with one individual on one of several visits to the country).

Outside observers might expect Guy Scott, 20 years old when Northern Rhodesia became an independent Zambia and almost 36 when (Southern) Rhodesia became an independent Zimbabwe, to have an overtly hostile position to Mugabe’s indigenization and black empowerment policies. Those suspicions might be fuelled by knowledge that Scott was born in Livingstone, which due to geography (Zimbabwe is just across the river and Namibia, then a South African protectorate, is also very close) was one of colonial Zambia’s more conservative towns. Scott is also a 1962 graduate of Peterhouse, then an all-white Southern Rhodesia boarding school, located in Marondera, a major conservative farming center.

However, Scott’s father, a newspaper owner who immigrated to Northern Rhodesia in 1927, was a liberal independent Member of Parliament representing Lusaka from 1953-1958; the son has long advocated similar political views. As a young student in Southern Rhodesia, Guy Scott supported the nationalist, black dominated National Democratic Party. At a meeting of the Common Market for Southern and Eastern Africa (COMESA) in Malawi in October, Scott represented Zambia’s new President, Michael Sata, at a summit for heads of state. Zimbabwe was represented at the highest level and President Mugabe and Vice-President Scott lavished praise on each other.

The exchange resulted in a piece in the Herald, the rigidly controlled Zimbabwe state newspaper, entitled “Nothing Odd with Zambia’s White VP”. The article decried “sections of the right wing media” that claim Scott’s appointment “was likely to estrange Lusaka from Harare.” Weeks later, an independent Zimbabwean newspaper (perhaps one of the aforementioned right wing media outlets) ran a piece examining the unlikely alliance between Mugabe and Scott. The bulk of the piece focused on Scott’s push for Zimbabwe’s readmission to The Commonwealth of Nations at a meeting of the group in Australia. In an apparent rebuke to Zambia, ZANU-PF immediately took to the state airwaves, stating that the party had no interest in rejoining the body.

Further signs of a bump in the relationship between the executive offices of each country emerged around the alleged decision of President Sata not to attend ZANU-PF’s recently concluded annual congress. Also of note, only days after a South African fast food chain with numerous branches in Zimbabwe (and Zambia) pulled an advert poking fun of Mugabe as a lonely dictator with no dinner companions, President Sata joked about Mugabe’s extensive security detail following their first official state meeting.

While Zimbabwe’s relations with Zambia do not seem to have been significantly strained with the rise of Scott and Sata, it is interesting to note that Sata, who campaigned on an overtly populist platform, has not expressed a greater level of solidarity with ZANU-PF’s indigenization program. This signals that despite western fears, a radical indigenization policy is not likely to gain traction in countries like Namibia and South Africa where whites maintain significant economic interests. More importantly, it indicates the limits of Mugabe’s populist approach in maintaining the support of his SADC neighbors who forced him into a power sharing government in 2009.

Guy Scott’s appointment as Vice-President might also be expected to influence Zimbabwe by moving the country’s electorate toward increased non-racial voting considerations. However, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), the junior partner in Zimbabwe’s coalition government, has, given the overall political environment, been able to elect and appoint (the country’s ambassador to Senegal is an American born white) Europeans with relative ease. The party’s two factions have several white MP’s, the Education Minister, David Coltart being the most prominent. Zimbabwean whites have also been successful at the municipal level, with the major towns of Mutare and Kariba both administered by white mayors in recent years.

What Mugabe’s kind words for Scott do seem to reveal is that ZANU-PF’s displeasure with the results of the white roll elections of 1985 (a concession wrangled by the outgoing minority government before independence in 1980) may have rendered any attempts at racial reconciliation moribund. In that election, 15 of the 20 seats reserved for whites went to the Conservative Alliance of Zimbabwe, led by Ian Smith, the Prime Minister of Rhodesia who vowed not to relinquish minority rule for 1,000 years. It has been alleged that these results infuriated Mugabe (setting the stage for fast track land reform 15 years later). His effusive appreciation of Scott’s historical pedigree certainly grants credence to the idea that the constitutional provision allowing Ian Smith and other former officials of the minority government to serve in the Zimbabwean parliament for almost a decade after independence had grave consequences.

It is quite telling to note that Mugabe and ZANU-PF have been vehement in their refusal to swear in Roy Bennett, a controversial but popular former Rhodesian policeman tapped by the MDC to be the Deputy Minister of Agriculture in the Government of National Unity. Conversely, Guy Scott was named Zambia’s Minister of Agriculture with little fuss in 1991 (less than five years after Ian Smith left Zimbabwe’s Parliament) following Zambia’s first transfer of political power. Unlike Scott in Zambia, Bennett is fluent in the major indigenous language of Zimbabwe, Shona, and does not have a doctoral degree from Europe. Also unlike Scott, Bennett’s career in politics has been marked by brawls in Parliament and almost a year in jail. Bennett’s arrest on the eve of the inauguration of Zimbabwe’s Government of National Unity and his current exile indicates that despite Scott’s belief that racism doesn’t “have much mileage in Zimbabwe”, the country has a long way to go to aspire to Rainbow Nation status.

Contrary to popular expectations, it appears that the appointment of a white as Zambia’s Vice-President will have little impact on the country’s relations with Zimbabwe (rather the key factor appears to be the extent to which President Sata departs from his populist campaign platform). It is also unlikely, as Fergal Keane of the BBC and others suggest, that the rise of Guy Scott represents a definitive post-colonial ‘brighter future for white Africans.’ Each nation of southern Africa bears the unique scars of its own colonial heritage. Zimbabwe, which saw its unrepentant white rulers maintain a constitutionally mandated voice in its affairs for a decade after independence (and had no Truth and Reconciliation Commission), carries the weight of its own burden. For Zimbabwe to experience an effective ‘Caribbeanization’, its current generation of white leaders will have to blaze a trail that they did not attempt to traverse until the advent of a mainstream political opposition in 1999.

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