Minority parties call for decentralisation

Zimbabwe Times
27 April 2009
By Ray Matikinye

BULAWAYO – Minority parties in Matabeleland and the Arthur Mutambara-led faction of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) are agitating for devolution of political and administrative power to the provinces as the campaign for a new constitution gathers steam.

A new constitution, leading to the holding of fresh polls, is largely viewed as key to full emocratization of Zimbabwe’s often disputed electoral process and election outcomes.

The constitution is also seen as the solution to major obstacles that have haunted the formation of a coalition government under a Global Political Agreement (GPA) signed between the MDC parties and Zanu-PF last September.

Already, a 25-member select parliamentary committee comprising legislators from the three parties in the coalition government, has been named and initial targets set although the committee lacks funds to kick-start the constitution-making process.

But the proposed constitution-making process has raised the hackles of some civic organisations and minority parties who argue that it is not inclusive.

Federal Democratic Union (FDU) leader, Paul Siwela, says his party was founded on the principles of devolution of power underpinned by a radical demand for the creation of a state of Matabeleland based on the 1894 boundaries.

Siwela, whose party has contested national elections but has failed to gain a single seat, denies such a demand would stoke national disintegration into tribal fiefdoms.

“We have always opposed the current arrangement because we strongly feel that the Matabeleland region has been marginalized in terms of development due to concentration of power in central government,” Siwela says.

The FDU says, contrary to misconceptions, devolution of powers promotes national cohesion and overall national development by effectively dealing with issues at a local level, thus promoting community effort while conferring a sense of ownership of whatever assets are realized from such efforts.

“There is nothing tribal or divisive about demanding a separate state with its own administrative powers,” Siwela says. “It existed before full colonization, and history bears testimony to this.
“The competition to succeed between states will push them to work harder towards development unlike centralization which led to de-industrialization of Bulawayo during the early years of independence.”

FDU fears its views and input on the type of constitution that suits Zimbabwe most might not be considered for inclusion in the new constitution because, like all other small parties, it has no representation in Parliament.

“If we had proportional representation as an alternative to the first-past-the-post electoral system, smaller parties would have MPs in Parliament to articulate alternative views other than those held by the major political parties,” he says.

Over the first few years of independence during the 1980s, a calculated campaign to de-industrialize Bulawayo, an industrial power-house in pre-independent Zimbabwe, led to the relocation of large companies from the city to the capital Harare without regard to the economic comparative advantage it had.

Education, Sport and Culture Minister, David Coltart agreed that even smaller parties need to the heard regarding national development and progress through such provisions in the constitution.
Coltart, who is a Senator for the Mutambara-led MDC, says his party would fight for a constitution that provides for adequate decentralization that allows local authorities to have more say in their finances.

“We are fighting for proportional representation in the conduct of our elections,” says Coltart, a lawyer.
“We have realized that even smaller parties need to be heard and their views considered.”

Coltart represented the late Joshua Nkomo-led ZAPU during and after disturbances that rocked Matabeleland in the early 80’s says.

He attributes the economic slide and political upheavals that have dogged Zimbabwe to the demise of PF-ZAPU as a robust opposition party after it was eclipsed by Zanu-PF following the Unity Accord signed by the two parties in 1987.

“If we had adopted the proportional representation method, our party which got 8.6 percent of the total vote would have more than the ten seats it currently holds in Parliament and some of our candidates who polled more than 40 percent of the total votes in their constituencies would be legislators,” he says.

His party would want the new constitution to provide for dual citizenship to cater for Zimbabweans who have been forced by economic circumstances to go abroad in search of better opportunities, Coltart says.

It also wants the posts of provincial governors to be representative of the people’s wishes not appointed by government.

Independent MP for Tsholotsho, Jonathan Moyo who co-chaired the committee of a draft constitution rejected by the electorate in a referendum in February 2000 bemoans that although the people of Matabeleland have supported the ruling Zanu-PF in the hope that something would be done to develop the region, were now disappointed with centralized government.

Even after the Unity Accord since 1987, central government has paid lip service without addressing the concerns about skewed development, Moyo says citing the fact that Tsholotsho got the only high school it now has after 16 years of independence.

“The concern for devolution of powers to the provinces is real because, for a long time there have been limited higher education facilities in the region creating serious problems for poor peasants who have intelligent and capable children,” he says.

He says both Zanu-PF and the more popular MDC led by Morgan Tsvangirai are scared of devolving power.

“They have similar views but that will not stop people from the region calling for it to be included in the new constitution,” says Moyo. “Now that the MDC (T) is in government, they share the same views of centralizing power.”